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blame blaming guilt guilting mental disorders Mental Health responsibility

A Lesson From The Play, Next to Normal

Welcome to From Insults to Respect.

This week I happened to watch on TV the play Next to Normal. It dramatically and musically brought forth a wealth of thoughtful and emotional reactions. I can’t, in a single post, express all of these, so here, I’m going to focus on just one–the issue of blaming those given a mental disorder label and their parents for how they are acting and experiencing.

The Play’s Main Plot

A woman who had a baby that died in infancy continued to grieve after four months. A psychiatrist, therefore, has classified her as having a mental disorder and has been prescribing psychiatric drugs for depression. Because his patient also imagines that the baby is still alive, and on birthdays she sees him growing up, and she regularly has conversations with him, the doctor has been prescribing an additional cocktail of drugs. As we enter the play, we see the drugs have certainly not relieved the woman from her or her family of the anguish that has come about. The imagined baby has grown to be a teenager. Her family, made up of her husband and teenaged daughter, are deeply concerned and support the psychiatrist’s treatment recommendations. Treatment during the play changes from drugs, followed by an hypnosis approach, and finally Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT), none of which lead to satisfactory results.

My Reaction To The Play

In my training as a psychologist, I learned to avoid blaming people who act in ways that lead to a mental disorder classification or their parents. Blame implies thinking someone is guilty of doing something wrong.

If I perceive that someone has done something wrong and I become frustrated and angry at the person and I begin to seek to punish the person, I view that person as guilty.

For example, if I make a wrong turn to go to my friend’s house and when I discover my error if I have a strong emotion of frustration that springs up in me and I cry out, “What an idiot I am for making that mistake,” I am feeling guilty that I made the mistake, and the reason I am calling myself an idiot is because it is my angry effort to punish myself.

I use that specific type of definition for “guilty” to distinguish it from how I define responsibility, which I view as a more mature response. When people act responsibly, they recognize that they did something wrong, experience a strong feeling of frustration, recognize at the same time that as long they are a human being they are going to make mistakes. They recognize that the strong feeling of frustration is a good thing because it leads them to focus on what they did wrong, and the emotionality helps spur a process that increases the possibility of fixing the error in the long term, decreasing the chance that they will make the same mistake. Part of this frustration reaction leads me to focus on what I can specifically do next time to prevent the mistake. This is a wonderful process, and I welcome the experience as I would a helpful friend. When I see guilt springing up in me, I have been getting more and more skillful at transforming it into my helpful friend.

It seems to me beneficial to keep the idea of angrily desiring punishment when someone does something wrong separate from the idea of learning from the experience of making a mistake by experiencing frustration in a friendly, non-punishing manner. If you see that your five-year old son has made a mistake when trying to add 7 plus 3 and he came up with 9, you may see that he has done something wrong, but you might experience this as somewhat different from when you feel someone is “guilty” of doing something wrong.  You may think that your son almost got the right answer, and he’s trying, and this is part of a useful learning process. You might not feel angry at him, nor think he deserves to be punished for his efforts. Perhaps you might gently correct him and give him a warm smile.

Although I am pretty good at avoiding the blaming game, from time to time I slip up and become angry at what I’m perceiving is happening with people dealing with mental health concerns. This play, so well done, has helped me to better reconnect with the habit of making the distinction between guilting and taking responsibility as I conceptualize them.

The music, singing, and dialogue blend together to avoid simplistic interpretations of events and filled me with empathy for the complexity of dealing with such challenging circumstances. I was left thinking that people embroiled in the types of situations that the play depict would do well to learn for themselves the difference between blame and responsibility. Moreover, it seems to me that it takes more than just noting the difference; it takes practice to turn this understanding into a useful habit. One useful practice is to identify five times when you found yourself employing guilting, and then see if you can write out a way to turn them into a response that better matches a responsibility response.

My Best,
Jeff

 

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CSM Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-5 DSM mental disorders mental health concern model Mental Illness

Mental Illness or Mental Health Concern?

Welcome to From Insults to Respect. 

The two dominant manuals for “diagnosing mental disorders” are the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and the International Classification of Diseases. (ICD). Their overarching concept is mental disorders. Synonyms are psychopathology, and mental illness. To access mental health services, most people are required to accept being labelled as having a mental illness. Not everyone respects this requirement.

These manuals continue this pathologizing despite the long history of such terminology being cogently criticized. In contrast to this pathologizing concept, there exists a peer reviewed published article that advocates an alternative method for accessing services, one that replaces the “mental illness” overarching concept with “mental health concerns” that includes the idea that these concerning experiences often serve adaptive functions. It is argued that this approach is a significant improvement over the pathologizing concept.

Criticism of the Mental Illness Concept

Professor William James

William James (1902/1961) was an early critic of the concept of psychopathology, referring to it as “simple minded” (p. 29) and “superficial medical talk” (p. 324). In his 1896 Lowell Lectures on Exceptional Mental States (which were reconstructed by Eugene Taylor in 1984 from James’s notes), he stated that experiences that are commonly viewed as unhealthy or morbid are really “an essential part of every character” and give life “a truer sense of values” (p. 15). James went on from there to note that medical writers tend to,

represent the line of mental health as a very narrow crack, which one must tread with bated breath, between foul friends on the one side and gulfs of despair on the other…. There is no purely objective standard of sound health. Any peculiarity that is of use to a man is a point of soundness in him, and what makes a man sound for one function may make him unsound for another…. The trouble is that such writers use the descriptive names of symptoms merely as an artifice for giving objective authority to their personal dislikes. The medical terms become mere appreciative clubs to knock a man down with…. The only sort of being, in fact, who can remain as the typical normal man, after all the individuals with degenerative symptoms have been rejected, must be a perfect nullity. Who shall absolutely say that the morbid has no revelations about the meaning of life? That the healthy minded view so-called is all? (pp. 163-165)

In more recent time, Schroder, et al. (2023), carried out a relevant study. It presents data from a study in which participants with self-reported depression histories viewed a series of videos that explained depression as a “disease like any other” with known biopsychosocial risk factors (BPS condition), or as a signal that serves an adaptive function (Signal condition). The Signal condition led to less self-stigma, greater offset efficacy, and more adaptive beliefs about depression.

Additional recent criticism of the mental illness concept has been presented by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations (UN). In its jointly published report titled “Mental health, human rights, and legislation: guidance and practice” (2023), it states:

The biomedical model of mental health is based on the concept of mental health conditions being caused by neurobiological factors (1, 2). As a result, care often focuses on diagnosis, medication, and symptom reduction, rather than considering the full range of social and environmental factors that can impact mental health. This can lead to a narrow approach to care and support that may not address the root causes of distress and trauma (p. xiii).

The same report also states:

Every person should have the opportunity to define what recovery means for them, and which areas of their life they wish to focus on as part of their own recovery journey. Recovery considers the person and their context as a whole, and no longer adheres to the idea or goal of the person “being cured” or “no longer having symptoms” (p. xiv).

Is it possible to respectfully address these issues?

Dr. Jeffrey Rubin

I  have proposed an alternative classification system (Rubin 2018; Rubin in press) titled “Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns” (CSM). This approach does not simply exchange the mental illness concept with mental health concerns; rather, the mental health concerns concept is different in several important ways.

The CSM assumes each person seeking to access services as a unique individual. Rather than labeling anyone, it labels expressed concerns. Whereas the mental illness concept declares there is something wrong with the person, the CSM emphasizes, mental health concerns often turn out to be indispensable stages in acquiring valued fruits.

A mental health concern, as defined in the CSM, occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, addictions, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situations. This is an observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, and therefore avoids the well documented reliability and validity problems of the mental illness concept.

Once it has been established what the concerns are, a collaborative effort between the mental health service provider and service seeker, begin creating answers to a semi-structured psychological formulation that looks at:

  1. How distressing is each of the concerns that were mentioned on a scale of 1 to 7?
  2. When and in what situations is the concern most problematic?
  3. When and in what situations is the concern least problematic?
  4. What are personal strengths?
  5. Levels of functioning in the areas of sleep, eating, employment, education, relationships, on a 1 to 7 scale?
  6. What is a tentative theory of cause or causes, jointly created, that considers the full range of social and environmental factors.

Arguments for the Practicality of the CSM

In Some Settings Using Expressed Concerns Has Worked Fine

When I was doing my PhD practicum at the University of Minnesota’s Counseling Center, I worked there for a whole year and we had no need to use the “mental disorder” jargon of the DSM and ICD to communicate. When my advisor asked me to quickly tell him about my morning cases, I would reply with words like, “My 9:00 a.m. case is concerned about feeling depressed, my 10:00 case is concerned about his failing grades, my 11:00 case is concerned about how anxious she is in social situations.”

If my advisor wanted to know more about a case, we went into the psychological formulation type of information. This informal way to communicate among the professionals and graduate students at the counseling center flowed smoothly while we provided a wide range of mental health services.

The CSM Is Practical Because It Maintains the Concept of “Mental Health”

Currently, we have such enormous organizations as Mental Health America and its state and regional affiliates, the National Institute of Mental Health, university and college programs offering degrees in mental health counseling, and states offering certifications in this field. Psychologists, social workers, counselors, and psychiatrists regularly refer to themselves as providing services under the umbrella of “mental health service providers.” For these reasons, the CSM would maintain the concept of “mental health” so it can be comfortably and realistically accommodated into the many large organizations currently using it.

However, the CSM would use the term “mental health” in a way that is different from what is implied in the DSM and the ICD. The CSM would explicitly reject the idea that the opposite of mental health is mental illness. Rather, the word “health” in the CSM’s “mental health” would be phrased in a manner that indicates that professionals dealing with mental health concerns are part of the allied health professions. The reason for thinking of these professionals as health providers follows.
Many of the concerns that would fall under the CSM’s list of related topics have been identified in scientific studies as “physical health risk” factors. For example, people who express a concern about being addicted to alcohol are at increased risk of developing sclerosis of the liver (O’Shea, Dasarathy, & McCullough, 2010). Those who express concerns about eating more than average may be at greater risk of diabetes and heart disease (Mokdad et al., 2003). Quality of interpersonal relations, lack of sleep, depression with thoughts of suicide, and various other concerns or clusters of concerns can be studied for the degree of physical health risk that they pose.

A major goal of mental health providers under the proposed CSM system is to turn “physical health risk” factors into “physical health protective” factors. The degree to which this is successful can be studied using currently available methodologies. It is in this very specific sense that the mental health concern topics are viewed not merely as mental concerns but also mental health concerns. By being explicit about this change in conceptualizing mental health, we have good reason to believe that the CSM proposal holds promise for avoiding most of the negative baggage that comes with this type of terminology.

So, in brief, the CSM approach promises to reduce stigma, improve care, increase self-efficacy, and open new avenues of research. In going forward, I encourage people to begin the process of reconceptualizing what has been promoted as mental illnesses to a mental health concerns. Moreover, for those who have any influence with those in the world of psychology and psychiatry, please encourage them to adopt the CSM approach.

My Best,
Jeff

———————————
Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

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conflict resolution Dealing with insults Mental Health mental health concern model Mental Illness

A Kinder Approach to Mental Health

Welcome to From Insults to Respect. Today, we take a look at the question, Can psychologists come up with a kinder, more respectful, healthier approach for dealing with the types of concerns people seek mental health services?

The current approach, often referred to as the “medical model” or the “mental disorder model,” is promoted by the American Psychiatric Association (APA), the World Health Organization (WHO) and the pharmaceutical industry. Mental health service providers, to be reimbursed for their services by third party payers, are required to select from a variety of the “disorders” listed in the APA and WHO mental disorder manuals and then place its code on the service user’s third party form. To access mental health service in an affordable manner, most service users rely on a third party payer, such as a government universal health plan or a private health insurance program.

We begin to wrestle with this question about an alternative model with some concerns about the current medical model.

Concerns about the Medical Model

Here’s a quote from my favorite psychologist and philosopher, William James:

William James

“Individuality outruns all classification, yet we insist on classifying everyone we meet under some general head. As these heads usually suggest prejudicial associations to some hearer or other, the life of philosophy largely consists of resentments at the classing, and complaints of being misunderstood.”

The various “mental disorders,” falls under the head of “diseases” in the WHO’s International Classification of Diseases. Not everyone feels at home with this. Here is one service user expressing her discomfort:

“By the time I was entering my second decade of service use, the medical model, which I had initially found reassuring, seemed increasingly unsatisfactory, without the capacity to encompass the complexity of my interior or exterior life and give it positive value. As a result, I began to actively explore frameworks that better met my needs.”

Note that she was looking for a framework that would give her complex life positive value. We shall return to this issue shortly. But first, I think it would be helpful if I share my own concerns about the medical model.

My Experience: My original exposure to the pathologizing medical model occurred when I took a course in Abnormal Psychology as an undergraduate at Brooklyn College. Shortly afterwards, I found that my classmates began to use the new terms that they learned in the course as insults whenever someone did something they didn’t like. One person was called a narcissist, another–a manic depressive, another–psychotic, and on and on.

This insulting behavior didn’t sit well with me. As an undergraduate I had, at various times, the typical troubling emotional experiences of teenagers that could easily be framed as various mental disorders. The stigmatizing mental disorder labels being used as insults could readily be applied to me.

Then, as a PhD graduate student, I was required to take a course titled, “Descriptive Psychopathology.” There I learned that because of a vote, mental health professionals had first declared that being what they termed “homosexuality” was a mental disorder, but recently they voted to no longer view it as a disorder. Although I’m not gay and happily married to a wonderful woman, I was glad to hear this, for I had since met some gay folks and felt the psychopathologizing of them didn’t seem right. I also thought that classifying people as having a disease based on a vote, rather than on some objective evidence of an infection, tumor, organ blockage, or tissue tear also wasn’t quite right.

Then I began to read books by William James. He had advocated that mental health service providers should not take their terminology too seriously, referring to it as superficial medical talk. This viewpoint of James began as early as 1896. In his Lowell Lectures on Exceptional Mental States (which were reconstructed by Eugene Taylor in 1984 from James’s notes), the good professor stated that experiences that are commonly viewed as unhealthy or morbid are really “an essential part of every character” and give life “a truer sense of values.” He went on from there to note that,

medical writers represent the line of mental health as a very narrow crack, which one must tread with bated breath, between foul friends on the one side and gulfs of despair on the other…. There is no purely objective standard of sound health. Any peculiarity that is of use to a man is a point of soundness in him, and what makes a man sound for one function may make him unsound for another…. The trouble is that such writers use the descriptive names of symptoms merely as an artifice for giving objective authority to their personal dislikes. The medical terms become mere appreciative clubs to knock a man down with…. The only sort of being, in fact, who can remain as the typical normal man, after all the individuals with degenerative symptoms have been rejected, must be a perfect nullity. Who shall absolutely say that the morbid has no revelations about the meaning of life? That the healthy minded view so-called is all?

Upon graduating and serving in various roles as a psychologist, I learned about the various shortcomings of the pathologizing approach:

  1. It is stigmatizing to mental health service users.
  2. It privileges the clinician’s perspective over that of the mental health service user.
  3. It has serious reliability and validity problems.
  4. By focusing on what’s wrong with the individual it tends to miss their strengths, the complex relational context they find themselves in, and malfunctioning social structures.
  5. By framing these concerns as mental disorders it misses the fact that the greatest advances of human being has been borne out of strife. There are numerous examples that suggest the possibility that these challenging experiences often serve an adaptive function. In framing these concerns as opportunities to expand possibilities, rather than suppress “symptoms,” we could increase self-efficacy and resilience.
  6. By pathologizing psychological concerns, it promotes the use of psychiatric drugs that in many situations worsen outcomes.

Regarding this last shortcoming, I became aware that the pharmaceutical industry has had a huge financial interest in promoting the idea that psychological concerns are real “illnesses” that require drug treatments just like physical illnesses. Cosgrove, and her team of researchers have made a compelling case that this can be seen by how the industry has been exerting a great deal of influence on psychiatric research and practice, resulting in publications and news reports that exaggerate claims of its drug treatments’ effectiveness while minimizing harms. For example, the “Clinical Practice Guidelines (CPG)” for mental health services provides the “standard of care” for health care providers. The confidence in the benefits of these drug treatments, if it were free of industry influence, would be more convincing but Cosgrove’s team found,

“Ninety percent of the authors of 3 major guidelines in psychiatry had financial ties to companies that manufacture drugs which were explicitly or implicitly identified in the guidelines as recommended therapies for the respective mental illnesses. None of the financial associations of the authors were disclosed in the CPG”.

Now, I know millions of people like taking drugs, whether they be prescribed by doctors or not. So, any alternative to the medical model that interferes with this desire is going to meet with a tsunami of resistance. So, the medical model as an option to service users is likely to continue. The best we might hope for, is that third party payers that now require a mental disorder “diagnosis” also cover services under a more kinder, respectful framework.

A Proposed Alternative

For people who have come to believe the medical model is too stigmatizing, and drugging problems away is not for them, what might a more acceptable alternative look like? One idea comes from a recent study by Schroder, et al. (2023).

“We describe the historical development of popular messages about depression and draw from the fields of evolutionary psychiatry and social cognition to describe the alternative framework that depression is a “signal” that serves a purpose. We then present data from a pre-registered, online randomized-controlled study in which participants with self-reported depression histories viewed a series of videos that explained depression as a “disease like any other” with known biopsychosocial risk factors (BPS condition), or as a signal that serves an adaptive function (Signal condition) …. The Signal condition led to less self-stigma, greater offset efficacy, and more adaptive beliefs about depression.

As we have discussed above, the medical model conceptualization of the types of concerns that is classified under the disease heading often fails to motivate active coping beyond taking a pill. Moreover, it fails to honor the labeled person’s perspective. The above study suggests that framing these concerns as a potentially healthy functional signal can lead to less self-stigma, and perhaps greater self-efficacy in making healthy life-style improvements.

Dr. Jeff Rubin

Consistent with this suggestion, in several of my earlier posts, I provide numerous examples of people who found various experiences typically labeled as “mental disorders” as helpful. For example, Joshua Wolf Shenk in his biography of Abraham Lincoln, makes the case that his depression fueled his greatness. Similarly, the music legend, Joni Mitchell, upon discussing her frequent bouts of depression observed,

Joni Mitchell

“Depression can be the sand that makes the pearl. Most of my best work came out of it. If you get rid of the demons and the disturbing things, then the angels fly off, too. There is the possibility, in that mire, of an epiphany.”

In a paper I published in the Journal of Humanistic Psychology, I describe in detail one proposed alternative that is consistent with this way of thinking. This alternative involves creating a manual for a classification system that replaces the disease overarching concept of mental disorders with mental health concerns that potentially serve an adaptive function. Those seeking mental health services would be given a choice to have their concerns addressed utilizing the pathologizing approach or the mental health concern approach. Both types of services would be equally covered by third party payers. I argued that, in contrast to the pathologizing approach, this alternative would increase the self-efficacy of individuals struggling with these concerns. Additionally, it would be kinder, more respectful, improve outcomes, provide a new choice, stimulate fresh perspectives, and open new avenues of research.

The first chapter of the manual would explain that the mental health concern approach begins from the perspective of the person seeking services. It does not classify anyone. Instead, each person is viewed as a unique individual. What is classified is the concern expressed to a mental health service provider. Then, the manual would clearly define its main overarching construct:

“A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, addictions, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situations.”

This is an observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, and therefore avoids the reliability and validity problems of the vague definitions provided in both the APA and WHO mental disorder manuals.

Two types of data sources would be utilized to identify the list of concerns that would appear in this alternative manual. The first would come from a large sample of mental health service providers that ask them to list the various concerns that they have been asked to address in their practice in the past year without couching them in psychopathological language and to stick as closely as possible to the language used by those seeking their services. The second source would come from another survey that would ask the membership of mental health service user organizations to list the various concerns that led them to seek mental health services. They, too, would be asked to avoid psychopathological terminology.

Some have argued that there is no need to have any classification system. According to this argument, a “psychological formula” approach consisting of a few paragraphs describing the case without pathological labels is sufficient to replace the medical model. But note that the vast majority of current third-party payer systems do use the mental disorder codes. The codes are used in the following manner. Third party payer systems utilize forms that must be filled out whenever someone seeks mental health services under their plan. These forms typically have a little box that reads, “Diagnosis.” In that box, mental health professionals must fill in a short code that corresponds to some specific “mental disorder.”

Utilizing just the psychological formulation approach, which involves the creation of several paragraphs as an alternative to these codes, would be far too cumbersome. The concern approach, like the medical model approach, provides a short descriptive phrase coupled with a code and is therefore far more workable.

With the concern proposal, all that third-party payer institutions would need to do differently to add value for their customers is to slightly change that little “Diagnosis” box. Instead of just reading “Diagnosis,” that box would add two simple words, so it would read, “Diagnosis or Concern.” Then, when mental health professionals fill in the box, they would be given the choice to either write in the letters “D” and the code number that corresponds to the so-called diagnosis, or they would write the letters “C” and the code number that corresponds to the specific concern. imgMental health consumers would be given the choice to go to pathologizing mental health service providers or those using the concern approach. This is all the change that would be required to increase value for a significant number of mental health service users. The cost and effort for third party payers to make both the pathologizing and concern approaches available would be minimal.

Moreover, a short word or phrase that could replace terms like “major depressive disorder” or “attention deficit hyperactivity disorder” is necessary for other practical means of communication. For example, if I want to write a title for a research article, it would not be practical to insert several of the formulation paragraphs into the title. The psychological formulation approach would be far more widely used if it had some practical way of providing some standard short terms for conceptualizing an individual’s mental health concerns arranged in a valid scientific classification manual.

Some may argue that the mental health concern approach is not practical because if everyone could go to a mental health professional merely to have their concerns addressed, then the system would soon be overloaded with clients, and third-party payers’ costs would soar. Because third party payers made up of insurance companies and national health services only cover people with more serious conditions known as mental disorders, so the argument goes, this limits the number of people who can get to see a mental health professional. However, how do mental health service professionals honestly determine if a person has a serious enough condition to warrant “treatment?”

The process with the pathologizing approach is suppose to be as follows. When someone who expresses a concern (which is referred to as a “symptom”) to the mental health professional, the professional is to decide if the symptom arises to the vague level of “clinical significance.” Only if it does is the symptom considered serious enough to warrant a “mental disorder diagnosis.”

I have been a PhD level psychologist for over forty years. Not once have I heard of an occasion in which an individual who made an appointment for mental health services and then showed up for it, leave the appointment without a mental disorder diagnosis. This intuitively makes perfect sense because mental health professionals are in the business of increasing the number of their clients. Given that they have over 300 vaguely described “mental disorders” to choose from, and the only way they will get paid for their services is to declare that the person seeking services has a “clinically significant” disturbance, who can doubt that no one is turned away.

The professional status of the service provider leads the public to think something more serious has been established when a diagnosis is declared. Although it is true that some expressed concerns are more serious than others, a mental disorder diagnosis is not indicative of this.

So, the alternative “Mental Health Concern” approach more honestly describes what is actually going on in easy to understand language. It is one proposal for a more kinder, respectful, and healthier way for people to have their expressed concerns addressed by a mental health provider and covered by third party payers. Criticism of this approach and suggestions for some other alternatives are highly encouraged.

My Best,
Jeff
———————————
Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
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conflict resolution CSM Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-5 Mental Health mental health concern model

Alternatives to Psychiatric Diagnoses

Welcome to From Insults to Respect.

Dr. Jeffrey Rubin

From time to time I have written about the growing lack of respect for the current manner in which people seeking to obtain mental health services are treated. Particularly upsetting to many is the requirement that they be labeled as having a mental disorder.

This labeling process relies on descriptions provided in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders–Fifth edition (DSM) and the International Classification of Diseases–Tenth edition (ICD). Both are manuals that are conceptually similar, utilizing as their core concept, mental disorders, and both share the same “diagnostic” codes. Because of their similarities, I will simply refer to them as the DSM/ICD approach.

Many professionals defending the use of this approach explain that it provides a common language for mental health professionals to communicate about those utilizing their services; its various classification terms, such as major depressive disorder, anxiety disorder, and so on, are short phrases that are convenient for placing into titles and search engines, and for efficient/streamlined communication in high-speed hospitals and clinics; third-party payers of mental health services have found that their coding system works well as part of a practical method for their record keeping; with the aid of these codes, people manage to access mental health services, mental health service providers manage to get paid, and for-profit health companies tend to make a profit.

Unfortunately, there are a number of serious weaknesses with this approach. It tends to be stigmatizing to mental health service users. The lack of reliability and validity of the various so called diagnoses violate basic principles of science. The process of coming up with a psychiatric label privileges the clinician’s perspective over that of the mental health service user. It ignores the fact that many people who have been labeled with these stigmatizing psychiatric terms come to realize that the experiences which led to their seeking services, rather than being an indication of a pathological condition, are really an essential element to their creative development. Many have also expressed concerns about the “mental illness” terminology which medicalizes mental health concerns, thus leading to an incredible number of people being prescribed psychiatric drugs, the use of which leads to numerous serious side effects.

Just as I was writing this post, major news outlets began to report that researchers found nearly a 50% increased odds of dementia for those taking the most popular drugs for treating depression and other mental health concerns. Although the study could not prove conclusively that these drugs caused the increased risk of developing dementia, because these same drugs had already been linked to confusion or memory issues, the new evidence is deeply troubling. The researchers expressed concerns that if this association is causal, it “would equate, for example, to around 20,000 of the 209,600 new cases of dementia per year in the United Kingdom.” With the population of the US being 6 times larger, this could mean that over 100,000 cases of dementia may be attributed to these drugs every year here in my own country.

Adding fuel to these types of concerns about negative effects of ingesting these drugs are the recent findings indicating that despite the fact that more Americans than ever are being prescribed so called antidepressants, the rate of suicide has climbed to an all-time high. Is the increased use of antidepressants causing this increased rate of suicide? Although definitive evidence is not yet available, it is a well known research finding that these drugs do increase the risk of suicidal thinking in many patients.

Meanwhile, the DSM/ICD approach has created a monolithically wealthy pharmaceutical industry, with all of the drawbacks associated with such institutions.

Given these problems, an international effort has been seeking to come up with some reasonable alternative that could provide all of the perceived practical benefits of the DSM/ICD approach, while having significantly fewer shortcomings. As part of this effort, I have come up with one alternative proposal which I discuss most extensively in a peer reviewed article published in a 2018 volume of the Journal of Humanistic Psychology (see HERE). Today, I shall summarize my approach, and then we’ll look at some of the published discussions on this topic that have come out after my article first appeared.

A Summary of My Approach

My proposed alternative to the DSM/ICD approach calls for the development of The Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns (CSM). In contrast to the DSM/ICD approach’s overarching concept of “mental disorders,” the CSM’s overarching concept is “mental health concerns.”

The CSM approach begins with a full recognition that individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider. A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, addiction, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situations.

Classifying the expressed concern would provide mental health service providers a common language that is helpful when communicating among other professionals. So, a professional might say to a colleague something like, “My 9:00 a.m. case is concerned about feeling depressed, my 10:00 case is concerned about his failing grades, my 11:00 case is concerned about how anxious she is in social situations.” Such communications are straightforward and easy to understand, not only for professionals, but for the general public as well.

Each expressed concern listed in the CSM would be a sufficiently short phrase so that it can be conveniently used in titles and search engines to retrieve valued relevant information. Along with each classified expressed concern, there would be a numerical code that would be convenient for third-party payer bureaucratic record keeping.

The CSM, in addition to coming up with a brief label for the expressed concern and a code for third party payers, describes a collaborative approach between the person expressing the concern and the mental health service provider for creating a psychological formulation narrative of a few paragraphs that eschews the DSM/ICD pathologizing jargon. This process involves a mental health service user and a mental health service provider co-constructing a hypothesis or “best guess” about the origins of the mental health service user’s concerns in the context of his or her relationships, social circumstances, cultural heritage, life events, and the sense that he or she has made of them. Once it has been established what the concerns are, the immediate next question is, “How do we jointly understand these experiences, why they arose, and how we might be able to address them?” This formulation is not something that is shared with third party payers of mental health services, but is utilized exclusively by the mental health service user and service provider.

With the CSM approach, no one is viewed as mentally ill, having a mental disorder, or having some psychopathological condition. Instead, it highlights that the progress of society is due to the fact that individuals naturally vary from the human average in all sorts of directions, that the originality is often useful, while, at the same time, being different can create a variety of concerns. Moreover, some people become concerned about how they are handling enormously stressful and traumatic experiences. Still others are living in unhealthy ways, such as making unhealthy choices in what they consume, or getting insufficient exercise. Mental health professionals, with the CSM approach, are viewed as seeking to address these types of concerns that arise from these conditions in a supportive setting while relying on a variety of wisdom traditions. Central to this approach, is an honoring of what Ralph Waldo Emerson referred to as the grand sweep of humanity.

Compared with the DSM/ICD approach, the use of the CSM would be less stigmatizing, more respectful to those seeking services, and more practical because of the ease of understanding the words and phrases that it utilizes. Moreover, it would be more consistent with principles of science because instead of using as its core concept the vaguely defined “mental disorders,” the CSM uses as its core concept “mental health concerns,” which is a clearly recognized event that occurs at a specific time and place. Finally, the CSM approach would provide a new choice to both mental health service users and providers, challenge old ideas, stimulate fresh perspectives, and open new avenues of research.

The Latest Discussions

Since my article on the CSM was published, the Journal of Humanistic Psychology (JHP), in its May 2019 issue, has several articles that discuss my approach as well as a few others. Let’s take a look at some of what was said, and as we do so, I’ll share a few thoughts about my reaction.

In an article titled, “What Might an Alternative to the DSM Suitable for Psychotherapists Look Like?” Jonathan D. Raskin notes that recent surveys of psychologists and counselors indicate they are dissatisfied with the DSM/ICD approach and are interested in coming up with alternatives better suited to their professions. Nevertheless, more that 90% said they will use the DSM/ICD; after all, that is how they get paid by third party payers.

What would be a better alternative for psychotherapists and counselors than the DSM/ICD approach? According to Dr. Raskin, it would have to be a system that allows them to contextualize psychosocial and biological aspects of human suffering in a more nuanced manner. And then he writes,

Dr. Jonathan D. Raskin

“Jeffrey Rubin (2018) has proposed that we classify concerns that clients bring to therapy, not disorders they have. Identifying concerns is very different from identifying disorders. Concerns are things such as feeling anxious about one’s job, unhappy about one’s marriage, emotionally distraught about past abuse, or unable to move past what one witnessed while fighting in a war. The current diagnosis system encourages clinicians to translate these concerns–which are clearly contextual and not reducible to biology alone–into disorders that afflict people. But therapists and counselors do not actually treat disorders. Instead, they talk to people about their concerns–some of which are quite serious and lead to extremely challenging and intransigent difficulties.”

To Dr. Raskin, any alternative to the DSM/ICD approach must be a better fit with what therapists and counselors actually do. The CSM approach admirably achieves this.

In a commentary on Dr. Raskin’s article that appears in the same JHP issue, Rachel Cooper, a senior lecturer in philosophy at the United Kingdom’s University of Lancaster, and author of Diagnosing the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, puts in some of her own thoughts on this topic.

She begins by agreeing with Dr. Raskin that most psychologists and counselors would be keen for an alternative classification to be developed. She then reviewed research indicating that social workers should be included among the professionals unhappy with having to use the DSM/ICD approach. In surveys, most indicated they would not use it if it was not required for insurance purposes.

Despite this finding, Dr. Cooper expresses pessimism about any alternative becoming accepted for funding psychotherapy via health care insurance. Among the factors that make it particularly challenging is the marketing of psychopharmaceuticals, which heavily promotes the idea that certain drugs treat the specific conditions listed in the DSM and ICD. The sum of money being acquired with this approach, she points out, makes producing a competitor classification far beyond the reach of most organizations.

She then refers to my CSM approach, stating that I suggest that insurance companies could be persuaded to pay for “Mental Health Concerns,” as they would readily come to understand, with a little explaining, that mental health service providers now using the current DSM/ICD approach do not turn anyone away who has mental health insurance coverage and comes to their office expressing what the CSM refers to as a mental health concern. She then writes,

“I think that Rubin’s optimism is misplaced. The fact that some (but by no means all) therapists currently get away with recording DSM diagnoses to facilitate payment even in cases where a diagnostic criteria may not be met will not be news to insurance companies. It is a practice that insurers have long known about and usually try to prevent. I think it unlikely that insurers would easily agree to cover Rubin’s ‘Mental Health Concerns.'”

First of all, when Dr. Cooper says insurance companies usually try to prevent mental health providers from recording diagnoses to facilitate payment even in cases where a diagnosis criteria is not met, I strongly disagree with her. I’ve never in my entire career heard of an insurance company questioning a diagnosis, and on what basis could they possibly do so? Insurance funders are not present in the room when a so called diagnosis is made. All that they get as documentation for a given diagnosis is a code indicating the diagnosis.

Moreover, the ICD actually encourages mental health professionals to come up with a diagnosis when criteria are not met. Thus, it states, “When the requirements are only partially fulfilled, it is nevertheless useful to record a diagnosis for most purposes” (WHO, 1992, p. 8).

I do agree, however, with Dr. Cooper when she says that getting the change that I have been advocating for is not going to be easy. Nevertheless, I believe we–professionals, service users, and service users’ relatives and neighbors–have a responsibility to try. Moreover, I have been encouraged by the steady increase in the influence of mental health service user advocacy groups who are becoming more and more vocal about the need for their members to be treated respectfully. And whenever I am invited to speak to professional organizations about the CSM approach, the rousing applause that I receive at the end of my presentation, along with the positive comments from audience members afterwards, keep my hope alive.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional and social intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

 

Categories
conflict resolution CSM DSM mental disorders Mental Illness The Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders

Mental Disorder or Mental Health Concern?

Welcome to From Insults to Respect. I hope the beauty of spring is helping to make your daily challenges more pleasant.

Regular readers know that from time to time I write a post advocating that mental health service providers change the way people access their services so that it becomes more respectful and more consistent with the principles of science. What I mean by this, is that currently those who have a health insurance policy that includes mental health services discover that when they seek to access those services they have to first be declared as a person with a mental disorder. Not everyone is happy about this, as the following parable suggests.

The Parable of Julianne and Dr. Robles

“Hi Julianne,” says Dr. Robles, as he greets his new counselee. “What can I help you with?”

“Well, Dr. Robles, I…I….” Tears begin to form in Julianne’s lovely hazel eyes. She takes out a tissue, blows her nose, wipes her eyes, and continues. “You see, I have two young children, age 3 and 5, and my husband left us a couple of months ago. I’ve been trying to keep it together, especially for the children, you know, and, well, it’s been so hard.”

“I can imagine it would be,” Dr. Robles replies gently. “Raising two kids even under the best of circumstances is quite a challenge.”

“Yes. And now I’m trying to do it all by myself, and I’ve been feeling so depressed, and if I get any worse…. I mean I thought I better come in to prevent myself from crawling into bed and not getting out. I have to think of the children. I checked and I have mental health coverage on my insurance policy.”

“Yes, my secretary looked into that, and you do have mental health service coverage. Your insurance company requires that I must place a diagnosis on your health insurance form for you to access that service. I hear, so far, that you are concerned about….”

“Wait! What do you mean you have to place a diagnosis on my health form? You aren’t going to write in there that I have some sort of mental disorder, are you?”

“Well, I wish we didn’t have to get into this labelling issue. Personally, I think it’s best to treat each person that I provide counseling to as an individual. It is understandable that many people don’t want to be placed in a diagnosis box, especially one known to be stigmatizing. But the insurance companies do require a diagnosis.”

“That’s not fair! I’ve been paying insurance premiums for years and I never signed any agreement that to access this service I had to be labeled like this?”

“Well, I can easily see why you feel that it is unfair. I actually agree with you. Perhaps it would help if I let you know that in the vast number of cases the information in your medical records remains confidential?”

“No, it doesn’t help! Even the most confidential government records have been hacked, and my husband and I are in a legal fight over custody of the children. If he petitions the court to see my medical records, what guarantee do I have that the court won’t end up seeing them?”

“Computer hacks do occur, and I have heard about very rare instances when courts did manage to view a person’s medical records over the patient’s objections, so your concerns are reasonable. I wish I knew of  some way around this labelling requirement, but for now we are stuck with this system.”

The Purpose of the Above Scenario

In today’s scenario, we see an example of both the person seeking counseling and the mental health service provider desiring that a certain requirement of accessing mental health services be eliminated.

Unlike them, some people actually find it reassuring when a doctor declares that they have a diagnosable condition, and they experience no objection when they learn that this condition is to be placed in their medical records.

For those who believe the current mental disorder classification system is helpful, I seek not to interfere with their ability to access services in the manner that they prefer. What I do seek is that for the significant number of people who do object to the current psychiatric labelling system, they nevertheless have equal access to mental health services without the mental disorder labelling requirement.

The above scenario provides readers an example of why some object to this type of labelling, but recent surveys indicate there are many others as well. In an article published in the Journal of Humanistic Psychology (Click HERE to access the article), I discuss these surveys.

Jonathan D. Raskin, PhD

For example, here’s what Jonathan D. Raskin and Michael C. Gayle wrote when they summarized their survey data of psychologists who regularly use the standard mental disorder classification system known as the DSM (DSM-5: Do Psychologists Really Want an Alternative? 2015, pages 1-18).

“Although more than 90% of psychologists report using the DSM, they are dissatisfied with numerous aspects of it and support developing alternatives to it—something that psychologists over 30 years ago supported, as well. The finding that almost all psychologists use the DSM despite serious concerns about it raises ethical issues because professionals are ethically bound to only use instruments in which they are scientifically confident.”

In my journal article, I go on to propose a practical, more scientific alternative to the DSM. I call this alternative, the Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns (CSM). The first words in the CSM would be: “The developers of the CSM fully recognize that individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not seek to classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider.”

After publishing my journal article, I discovered at a number of forums that many people after hearing me out, expressed that the CSM approach makes a great deal of common sense. Some also readily saw that its scientific merits are enormous because the expression of a mental health concern is a clearly observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, and therefore its use would beautifully solve the reliability problems that have been plaguing the DSM’s far more abstract, vague, theoretical construct of “mental disorder.”

On the other hand, some resisted the CSM approach. As I began to question them, seeking to figure out where exactly the disconnect was, I discovered that for some, it had to do with their belief that the DSM is a classification system based on solid principles of science and nothing could possibly be better. As I questioned them further, I discovered that their understanding of what a scientific classification system is designed to do was a bit incomplete. So, in today’s post, I explain in an easy to understand manner the nature of scientific classification systems, beginning with a description of a classification system with which we are all so very familiar–birds. This will enable us to see clearly why the bird classification system is useful as a scientific instrument. We will then look at the DSM classification system in light of what we learned about the bird system, and this will reveal the DSM‘s serious scientific shortcomings. Finally, we will compare and contrast the DSM system with the proposed CSM system in a manner that can make the superior scientific merits of the latter crystal clear.

The Bird Classification System

A branch of science begins with something some people are so interested in that they want to study it carefully and share what they find with others, while at the same time learn from others what they find out. As it turns out, there are some people very interested in birds.

The next thing that happens in a branch of science is careful observation of the topic of interest. After some early observations, the scientists begin to put together a classification system, which is also known as developing a taxonomy. This begins with explicitly defining what that something is that they are interested in. Said in another way, they describe that something of interest in a clear and detailed manner, leaving no room for confusion or doubt. So, in our example of “birds,” scientists have decided that they are a group of endothermic vertebrates, characterized by feathers, toothless beaked jaws, the laying of hard-shelled eggs, a high metabolic rate, a four-chambered heart, and a strong yet lightweight skeleton.

Once scientists carefully define their general topic of interest, they describe different types of what they are interested in. So in our bird example, the scientist interested in them came up with a taxonomy that lists bluejays, pigeon, sparrow, and so forth as subtypes of the general category of birds, describing each subtype in a precise manner that can reliably distinguish each from the others on their list. Why bother to do this?

The main reason is that when they discuss their findings with others, they want to make sure they are using words that mean the same thing, and it is a great time saver. For example, let’s say John is a bird scientist and he says to Judy, another scientist, “I  saw a bird the other day and I didn’t know what type it was; can you help me figure out what it is?” Notice that since both of these scientists know the meaning of a bird, it saves John quite a few words. Just imagine if instead every time John uses the word bird he had to say, “I saw something that had an endothermic vertebrae, characterized by feathers, toothless beaked jaws, the laying of hard-shelled eggs, a high metabolic rate, a four-chambered heart, and a strong yet lightweight skeleton.” That’s quite a mouthful to have to say each and every time you refer to a bird. In this example, just saying bird saves a scientist about 30 words each time the word bird is used.

The word bird, once explicitly defined also saves time in other ways. For example, let’s say there was no agreed upon definition of what a bird is and no classification systems at all. And let’s say John, the scientist, wants to find in a library some information about a particular type of bird. He would have to waste time looking at every single book in his library until he found one that seemed to be talking about what he was interested in.

As another example of the time saving value of classification systems, let’s say “bird” was vaguely defined as a flying creature. This would result in John having to unnecessarily wade through numerous books on flying insects, of which there are hundreds of thousands of types, bats, and some fish that sort of can fly. With the current bird classification system, anyone can go to a library and quickly find the specific section that houses information on just birds. Similarly, placing the word “bird” in a search engine enables John to more quickly retrieve relevant information than would a less explicit definition.

The DSM Classification System

Dr Ralph Slovenko

The DSM‘s overarching topic of interest is something it calls “mental disorders.” Dr Ralph Slovenko was a renowned psychiatrist. Prior to his death in 2013, he  authored hundreds of articles and more than 10 books, including Psychiatry in Law/Law in Psychiatry, which went into a second edition in 2009. Let’s take a look at how he described the definition of mental disorder:

“Although this manual [the DSM] provides a classification of mental disorders, it must be admitted that no definition adequately specifies precise boundaries for the concept of “mental disorder.” The concept of mental disorder…lacks a consistent operational definition that covers all situations. All medical conditions are defined on various levels of abstraction–for example, structural pathology (e.g., ulcerated colitis), symptom presentation (e.g., migraine), deviance from a physiological norm (e.g., hypertension), and etiology (e.g., pneumonoccal pneumonia). Mental disorders have also been defined as variety of concepts (e.g., distress, discontrol, disadvantage, disability, inflexibility, irrationality, syndrome pattern, etiology, and statistical deviation). Each is a useful indicator for a mental disorder, but none is equivalent to the concept, and different situations call for different definitions.”

Dr. Slovenko goes on from here to tell us what the definition was used in the edition of the DSM back in 1994.

“In the DSM-IV, each of the mental disorders is conceptualized as a clinically significant behavioral or psychological syndrome or pattern that occurs in an individual and that is associated with present distress (e.g., a painful symptom) or disability (i.e., impairment in one or more important areas of functioning) or with a significant increase risk of suffering death, pain, disability, or an important loss of freedom.”

Now I ask you, does this definition meet your standard for being explicit? To me, it is like saying that the definition of a bird is, something that has feathers, or scales, or teeth, or is beaked, or is warm blooded. It is actually worse than that, because the difference between such descriptors as teeth and a beak can be determined with excellent reliability. Can we determine the difference between “clinically significant” and “not clinically significant” with the same degree of precision? Clinically significant is subjective, in contrast to being objective, and science requires objective definitions.

The latest edition of the DSM (DSM-5) is just as vague. It begins, “Although no definition can capture all aspects of all disorders in the range contained in the DSM-5, the following elements are required.” Although it says the following elements are required, it then makes it clear that the elements that it lists are not required. As I provide the rest of the definition, notice the use of the word “or” and “usually.”

“A mental disorder is a syndrome characterized by clinically significant disturbance in an individual’s cognitive, emotion regulation, or behavior that reflects a dysfunction in the psychological, biological, or developmental process underlying mental functioning. Mental disorders are usually associated with significant distress in social, occupational, or other important activities. An expected or culturally approved response to a common stressor or loss, such as the death of a loved one, is not a mental disorder. Socially deviant behavior (e.g., political, religious, or sexual) and conflicts that are primarily between the individual and society are not mental disorders unless the deviance or conflict results from a dysfunction in the individual, as described above.” 

Again, the descriptor “clinically significant” is used, as it was in the previous edition of the DSMThis is about as vague a descriptor as one can possibly conjure up. How about the descriptor “dysfunction?” This, too, is left to the subjective opinion of mental health providers who often have financial interests in declaring that someone has a mental disorder.

My above critique of the mental disorder definition begs the question, Can scientists reliably distinguish those with a mental disorder from those who do not?


There is a simple scientific way to determine this. It involves randomly selecting a few hundred people from the population. Then, perhaps 20 scientists familiar with the definition would interview each in the time period usually devoted to making a so-called diagnosis in clinical practice. After each interview, each scientist would separately indicate on a piece of paper his or her decision about whether or not the person has, or does not have, a mental disorder. Each decision would be made independently from the other scientists, that is, without knowledge of the other scientists’ decisions. After this data were collected, statisticians would look to see how well the different scientists agreed with each other.

Recently, I tried to retrieve this type of study using Google Scholar by putting in the search window, “Reliability of determining who has a mental disorder and who does not.” Nothing of value came up. I tried other search terms to retrieve this basic scientific information. Again, nothing.

Eventually I found some relevant information.  The vast majority of mental disorders listed in the DSM were never assessed for reliability, and the few that were indicate that this is a major area of weakness for this classification system.

Barbara S. Held, PhD

Relevant to this issue is a recent peer reviewed article by Barbara S. Held in the Review of General Psychology (2017) that discusses the various mental disorder categories (p. 82-94). She states that these heterogeneous categories have produced a lack of scientific progress because of their “internal incoherence, such that any given instance (diagnosed person) may share few and, in some cases, none of the category-defining features of other persons given that same categorical label.” (p. 83)

Dr. Held goes on to say:

“This is called the problem of “polytheticity” in the theoretical/philosophical clinical literature, and is seen as a primary source of obstacles to building a progressive science of mental disorder; it is also seen as related to the daunting problem of comorbidity, which calls into question the presumably discrete nature of disorder categories.”

So, boiling down the above critique of the mental disorder construct to its basics, the construct violates principles of science because its definition is neither explicit nor objective.

The CSM Versus the DSM

I, for one, am interested in a phenomenon that I, and others, call mental health concerns. Obviously there is wide interest in this. After all, there are numerous educational institutions that provide training to people so they can become credentialed to address mental health concerns. Numerous people actually voluntarily go to these educational institutions, devoting considerable time and expense. Once completing the credentialing requirements, they apply to their state credentialing board, pay a fee, and then after the board checks to see if all of its requirements have been fulfilled, it grants a license permitting the person to legally provide mental health services. That person then sets up a practice that offers mental health services. People wishing to access these services first devote some time to decide where to go. They then make an appointment, show up for the appointment, and then express their mental health concern to the mental health service provider. Aspects of all of this occur each and everyday and involves tens of thousands of people working in a coordinated fashion to have mental health concerns addressed in a professional manner.

Now, as someone interested in this mental health concern phenomenon, I have spent some time observing the phenomenon by matriculating into undergraduate and graduate programs, and then meeting all of the requirements to provide some mental health services in my state. I’m not permitted to prescribe psychiatric drugs, and if you think electroconvulsive shock treatment is a mental health service, I can’t provide that service either.

But other then those two services, people have made appointments with me for over thirty years and expressed various mental health concerns, and I did my best to work with them to address these concerns.

So, now that I carefully observed this something that I am keenly interested in, I’m ready to put together a classification system with others interested in scientifically studying the same something. To begin the process, I first proposed in a peer-reviewed format a tentative proposal which was accepted for publication (see HERE). It defines my something of interest as follows:

A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern that he or she wants to have addressed.

This definition of a mental health concern requires all of the following items for a mental health concern to exist:

  1. A person seeking mental health services
  2. A mental health service provider offering his or her services
  3. The mental health service provider had to fulfill undergraduate and graduate training that meets the standard of his or her state licensing department.
  4. The person seeking services expresses a concern to a mental health service provider with the desire that he or she will work to address the expressed concern

Notice that the phenomenon that I am talking about requires that all of the various items listed exist in order for a mental health concern to be present. It is therefore far more explicit about what constitutes a mental health concern than the DSM‘s set of criteria for a mental disorder which uses language indicating that a disorder can’t really be defined clearly, but sometimes this is present, or maybe this, or maybe this, unless it is this other thing….

Also notice that no one doubts that each of the 4 listed items that, taken together, make up the mental health concern concept exists. Everyone agrees that there are people who seek mental health services in our society. Everyone agrees there are people licensed to provide mental health services. If you go further down the list, there is no question whatsoever, that these other conditions also exist. So the definition, I contend, meets the scientific standard that it describes the something of interest (mental health concern) in a clear and detailed manner, leaving no room for confusion or doubt. Once the CSM classification system comes to be fully developed, people would be able to use the term “mental health concern” as a short way to indicate a phenomenon that contains all four of its defining characteristics.

With regards to the various types of concerns that mental health service providers are asked to address by those seeking their services, two major types would be, 1. concerns expressed about oneself, and 2. concerns expressed about someone else. Under the headings of each of these two major types would be concerns regarding behavior, emotion, mood, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, addiction, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, hearing voices others don’t hear, and challenging life situations. This, of course, is just a preliminary list of types, and through survey data that ask psychologists and mental health advocacy groups about the various mental health concerns that they are asked to address, the list would become more fully developed.

Conclusion

The above explanation was designed to clarify just one of the reasons why the proposed CSM’s mental health concern concept provides a far more solid scientific foundation on which to build a classification system than the DSM‘s mental disorder concept. Despite the fact that many people have become convinced that the DSM‘s classification system is a sound scientific instrument, its definition is far more vague than how I propose defining a mental health concern.

Many people, including professionally trained psychiatrists and psychologists, have long argued that the mental disorder concept fails to meet the very basic principles of a valid scientific concept. We can do better by using the basic scientific standard of explicitly defining core concepts in our mental health classification system, and giving people seeking mental health services a choice about whether or not their expressed mental health concerns are to be converted into pathologizing language.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional and social intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

 

Categories
brain disease conflict resolution DSM mental disorders Mental Illness psychiatrists psychiatry psychologists psychopathology The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders

Are Mental Illnesses Really Brain Diseases?

Dr Eric Kandel
Dr Eric Kandel

In an article titled “The Roots of Mental Illness,” the author, Kirsten Weir, tells us about Eric Kandel, MD, who believes that the experiences that doctors refer to as mental illnesses are brain diseases. Dr. Kandel defends his belief with the following statement: “All mental processes are brain processes, and therefore all disorders of mental functioning are biological diseases. The brain is the organ of the mind.”

The article also indicates that Dr. Kandel believes one important value of recognizing that these types of experiences are brain diseases is that it helps minimize the shame often associated with them. For example, Dr. Kandel is quoted as saying, “Schizophrenia is a disease like pneumonia. Seeing it as a brain disorder destigmatizes it immediately.”

kandel-nobel-prizeDr. Kandel’s credentials are pretty impressive–he’s a Nobel Prize laureate and professor of brain science at Columbia University. Therefore, if you are among those who believe a person’s credentials should determine who is right and who is wrong, you need not read any further. You must simply conclude that what is referred to as mental illnesses are indeed brain diseases because you would be hard pressed to find someone with better credentials disagreeing with Dr. Kandel.

However, if you are among those of us who believe that regardless of someone’s credentials, the reasonableness of the argument should sway your judgments, then I encourage you to read on. In brief, you will find that the phrase, “disorders of mental functioning” is way too vague for a science of disease, and that Dr. Kandel’s conclusion that seeing these types of experiences as brain diseases immediately destigmatizes it, is at the very least, questionable.

Are Disorders of Mental Functioning Properly Viewed as Brain Diseases?

Colony of pathogen bacterias - 3d render
Colony of pathogen bacterias

Physical pathologists, who are trained in the principles of science, determine if a pathological condition is present by looking for a set of objectively observable body conditions such as tumors, microbe infections, tissue tears, bone fractures, and blocked arteries. None of these have been identified by pathologists as causing the conditions typically labelled by psychiatrists as mental illnesses. If they were to find the physical pathology that causes any of the behavior patterns referred to as mental illnesses, that pattern would no longer be referred to as a mental illness. Instead, the pattern would be viewed as the symptoms of the  physical pathology, and the disease would be referred to either as the type of pathology (tumor, microbe infection, etc.) or the name of the person who discovered the relationship between the behavior pattern and the physical pathology.

Dr. Kandel, when trying to make the case that mental illnesses are real brain diseases has, at times, cited articles that show some correlation of a brain difference with some of the concerns that lead to a mental illness label. But these correlations are far too weak to demonstrate they are causing these types of concerns. For example, people labeled as having schizophrenia have, on average, some larger brain ventricles. However, there are many people who have the same size ventricles, or even larger ones, who show no signs of schizophrenia. Moreover, numerous people who have smaller than average size ventricles are regularly classified as having schizophrenia. Thus, quite clearly, it is not the size of the ventricles that are causing the schizophrenic behavior pattern. It is for this reason that the size of one’s brain ventricles is not used to make the so called diagnosis of schizophrenia. Instead, doctors rely on a conversation with the designated patient to make these types of so called diagnoses.

Are such conversations properly viewed as objective criteria for determining a disease state and equivalent to observing the type of pathologies that physical pathologists look for in identifying a disease state? Numerous critics of psychiatry say no. They point to what highly credentialed doctors have, over the course of history, claimed are mental illnesses.

Dr Samuel Cartwright
Dr. Samuel Cartwright

For example, in 1851 American physician Samuel A. Cartwright labelled black slaves who tried to flee captivity as having the mental illness of drapetomania. For people who hold the value judgment that the function of healthy blacks is to be slaves, then it certainly makes sense to say that blacks seeking to flee captivity were being dysfunctional.

Freud Practicing the Dysfunctional Habit of Smoking
Freud Practicing the Dysfunctional Habit of Smoking

If you are religious, many highly credentialed medical doctors, including Sigmund Freud, who, like Dr. Kandel, won a Nobel Prize, have claimed this meant you had a mental illness. People who are gay were declared as having a mental disease here in the US. In the former Soviet Union, if you were opposed to communism it warranted a mental illness label by their psychiatrists. In each of these societies, a case was made that the behavior pattern labelled as a mental illness was dysfunctional.

New-quote-from-William-JamesThe argument that such labeling practices are not scientific, but, rather, value judgments, was intelligently made by William James when he defended the religious sentiment. He explained that pathologizing these sentiments as mental diseases was superficial medical talk. He called the reasoning doctors used to declare religious beliefs a type of mental illness, “medical materialism.”

Medical materialism seems indeed a good appellation for the too simple-minded system of thought which we are considering. Medical materialism finishes up Saint Paul by calling his vision on the road to Damascus a discharging lesion of the occipital cortex, he being an epileptic.

Woman of Religious Faith
Woman of Religious Faith

It snuffs out Saint Teresa as an hysteric, Saint Francis of Assisi as an hereditary degenerate. George Fox’s discontent with the shams of his age, and his pining for spiritual veracity, it treats as a symptom of a disordered colon. Carlyle’s organ-tones of misery it accounts for by a gastro-duodenal catarrh. All such mental overtensions, it says, are, when you come to the bottom of the matter, mere affairs of diathesis (auto-intoxications most probably), due to the perverted action of various glands which physiology will yet discover.

James goes on from here to point out that it is true, of course, that psychology has found that there are definite psychophysical connections that “hold good.” Psychology, therefore:

brain-disease-3assumes as a convenient hypothesis that the dependence of mental states on bodily conditions must be thoroughgoing and complete. If we adopt the assumption, then of course what medical materialism insists on must be true in a general way, if not every detail…. But now, I ask you, how can such an existential account of facts of mental history decide in one way or another on their spiritual significance? According to the general postulate of psychology just referred to, there is not a single one of our states of mind, high or low, healthy or morbid, that has not some organic process as its condition. Scientific theories are organically conditioned just as much as religious emotions are; and if we only knew the facts intimately enough, we should doubtless see “the liver” determining the dicta of the sturdy atheist as decisively as it does those of the Methodist under conviction anxious about his soul. When it alters one way the blood that percolates it, we get the Methodist, when in another way, we get the atheist form of mind. So of all our raptures and our drynesses, our longings and pantings, our questions and beliefs. They are equally organically founded, be they religious or of non-religious content.

James points out that in the natural sciences it never occurs to anyone to refute opinions by putting down their authors’ neurological constitutions. Value is determined by “judgments based on our own immediate feelings primarily; and secondarily on what we can ascertain of their experiential relations to our moral needs and to the rest of what we hold as true.”

brain-diseaseAll states of mind are related in extremely complex ways to neural functions. There is a crucial distinction to be made between a brain difference and a brain pathology. The significance of each state of mind must be tested, not by some neurological difference, but by the value of its fruits. When the term “pathological” is applied to an experience, rather than an identified physiological pathology, it wrongly implies a neutral science classification.

In my view, what William James says about the religious sentiment and disease states hold just as true for people who are currently declared as having a mental illness by Dr. Kandel and many other doctors. They declare, in a very subjective manner, patterns of behavior are due to a brain disease without objective proof that there is a physical pathological condition causing the pattern. They don’t make a distinction between a brain difference and a brain disease. And they don’t deal effectively with the fact that there are numerous people who display patterns that have been viewed by the psychopathologizing doctors who have brought forth some of the greatest fruits known to the human race.

Calling Mental Illness a Brain Disease: Does It Stop Stigma?

brain-disease-6

In the above Aldous Huxley quote, apparently it was his opinion that all the normal people in our society are dysfunctional, and thus psychiatry might want to declare all normal people as having a brain disease. I wonder if all normal people might feel less stigmatized upon hearing about this pathologizing of their experiences. Hmmm.

Anyway, if you will, let us turn to Dr. Kandel’s declaration that by getting people to see that mental illnesses are brain diseases it destigmatizes them immediately. He offered no scientific evidence for this. When we actually look at the evidence bearing on his statement, we get a very different impression.

Lincoln, sufferer of depression
Lincoln, sufferer of depression

Very modest evidence exists indicating people who have become convinced that mental illnesses are brain diseases are somewhat less likely to blame labeled persons for their behavior. However, at the same time, overall stigma actually increases. Biological explanations, for many, imply that people with mental illness are fundamentally different or less human.

Research has also shown, that disease explanations for mental illness provoked harsher behavior toward labeled persons. It is worthwhile keeping in mind that in the not-so-distant past, biological and genetic explanations for stigmatized conditions were linked to a range of harsh policies, including marriage restrictions, sterilization, lobotomies, and even extermination.

Painter who has been said to suffer from mental illness
Painter who has been said to suffer from mental illness

The biological explanation may also exacerbate yet another key stereotype of mental illness, the belief that people with mental illness are dangerous. Many researchers believe that the stereotype that people with mental illness are violent ranks among the most prejudicial and discriminating of attitudes. Unfortunately, there is evidence that biological arguments may actually strengthen dangerousness stereotypes, suggesting that people with mental illness have no control over their behavior and therefore are unpredictable and violent.

brain-disease-5In contrast to biological arguments, psychosocial explanations of mental health concerns have been found to effectively improve images of people who are now being labeled as having a mental illness. It also appears to reduce fear.

Instead of arguing that mental illness is like any other medical illness, psychosocial explanations of mental health concerns focus on environmental stressors and trauma as causal factors. These may include childhood abuse, poverty, and job stress. The idea is to reframe mental health concerns as understandable reactions to life events.

Conclusion

Socrates heard voiced in his head and was condemned to death by society leaders.
Socrates heard voices in his head that he referred to as guiding demons and was condemned to death by society leaders.

The mental health concerns that most modern day doctors refer to as mental illnesses, have not been shown to be caused by a physiological pathological condition. There are undoubtedly some brain differences that have been correlated with a few types of concerns, but it is way too simplistic to say that such differences are the cause of any of these concerns. It is very possible that environmental and cultural factors may lead to the observed correlations. Despite the fact that a person might be said by some that he or she is functioning below average in some ways under some societal situation, numerous examples can be easily provided that people labeled mentally ill have often produced valued fruits in the fields of science, arts, and philosophy. Finally, labeling someone experiencing a mental health concern as having a brain disease does not automatically decrease stigma, and could actually increase it.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

Categories
American Psychological Association conflict resolution CSM Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-5 mental disorders Mental Illness Psychiatric jargon The Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns

My 2016 APA Speech On Psychiatric Diagnoses

label-jars-not-peopleWelcome to “From Insults to Respect.” Regular readers know that I have some serious objections to how mental health service providers treat those seeking their services. As things stand now, unless you can afford to completely pay for such services without any insurance coverage, to access services you are very likely to be required to be labelled as having a mental disorder.

Now, many mental health professionals and service users are fine with this labelling requirement, and for those who are, I’m not seeking to do anything to interfere with them going about this practice to their hearts content. But there are many other mental health professionals who would much prefer to treat each person seeking their services as an individual, and one of the last things they desire is to label people with a “so called” diagnosis well known to be stigmatizing. At the same time, many who seek mental health services, when hearing about the requirement that they be labelled as having a mental illness, object to this, and discover that despite having paid their insurance premiums that cover such services for decades, cannot access these services without accepting this stipulation.

Last year, the American Psychological Association Convention was held in Toronto, and I was invited to present a paper on a proposal that would solve this problem for mental health professionals and those seeking services. I was invited back again this year to speak on this topic for this year’s APA Convention, which was held in Denver last week. A couple of months ago, I provided a summary of what I was planning to say. I now provide to you the full text of my entire speech.

My 2016 APA Speech

As most of you surely know, the DSM and ICD are pretty much the same approach for classifying people who seek mental health services. Mental disorder is the overarching theoretical construct for both, and both share the same coding system used by third party payers. Supporters of the DSM and ICD approach say that it is a classification system that has been helpful because it provides a common language for mental health professionals to communicate about those utilizing their services; its various diagnostic terms, such as Major Depressive Disorder, Anxiety Disorder, etc., are short phrases that are convenient for placing them into search engines to retrieve valued relevant information, and into titles of book and articles; third party payers of mental health services have found that the DSM-ICD coding system works well as part of a practical method for their record keeping; with the aid of these codes, people do manage to access mental health services, mental health service providers do manage to get paid, and for-profit health companies do tend to make a profit.

So, those are the basic reasons supporters of this approach say that it is useful.

Now, it seems to me that if we are to have any hope that an alternative to this approach might be widely adopted, we would have to be able to make an excellent case that the alternative would be at least just as helpful while, at the same time, have significantly less shortcomings.

So, is it really possible to come up with such an alternative? Well, for your consideration, I offer you the Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns, or, for short, the CSM. Not the DSM, but the CSM! Let’s look at what each chapter of the CSM would contain.

Chapter 1: The CSM Basics

This first chapter would begin with the following statement: “The developers of the CSM fully recognize that persons seeking mental health services have far more expertise about what is going on in their lives than any mental health service provider. Moreover, the developers of the CSM fully recognize that individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not seek to classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider.”

This first chapter would go on from here to explain that the CSM begins from the perspective of the person seeking services. Because the expression of a mental health concern is a clearly observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, by making it the event being classified in the CSM it solves the reliability problems that have been plaguing the DSM and ICD approach’s far more abstract theoretical construct of “mental disorders.”

After this statement, the CSM would clearly define its main construct, which is mental health concerns:

A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, addictions, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, work, interpersonal relationships, intrapersonal relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situation.

So, there’s a summary of the basic ingredients of Chapter 1.

Chapter 2: Classification of Mental Health Concerns and Codes  

This chapter would begin by explaining that the CSM has two classes of expressed concerns–Concerns expressed about oneself, and concerns expressed about someone else.

An example of the first class is, Sally is seeking mental health services and expresses a concern to a mental health service provider that she has been experiencing a great deal of anxiety when she enters social situations.

An example of the second class is Bob, a father, upon seeking counseling for his son, expresses a concern about his son’s behavior.

Each of these two classes of concerns would have under each of its headings a list of specific concerns, along with an assigned code to be used for third-party payer record keeping.

So, let’s quickly return to the example of Sally expressing a concern that she has been experiencing a great deal of anxiety in social situations. This would be referred to, for classification purposes, as a “social situation anxiety” concern. Notice that “social situation anxiety” is just three words, thus it is short enough to be used in titles and search engines.

Concerns that would be included in the first edition of the CSM would be selected from survey data. For example, mental health service providers would be asked to list the various concerns that they have been asked to address in their practice in the past year without couching them in psychopathological language and to stick as closely as possible to the language used by those seeking their services.

Chapter 3: The CSM Approach to Psychological Formulation

As noted, the previous chapter would be designed to provide the method for identifying and coding a set of brief mental health concern descriptors suitable for a number of practical purposes. Once this is achieved the CSM then provides a method to develop a two or three paragraph psychological formulation approach that is designed to fill in additional details about the expressed concern.

Thus, Chapter 3 of the CSM would be devoted to describing good practice guidelines for the use of a type of psychological formulation that is consistent with the CSM’s philosophy of not psychopathologizing individuals.

Defending the CSM 

Okay, those are the basic chapters of the CSM. I contend that it would achieve all of the benefits that the supporters of the DSM-ICD approach claim for it. It would provide a common language. And, in fact, I actually tested the CSM approach for years. When I worked in a mental health center, although I capitulated to the requirement that I inserted a DSM diagnosis in its proper place on the insurance form, other than that, I had no need to use DSM terms to communicate. When a colleague would ask me to tell him or her about my cases, I would reply with words like, “My 9:00 a.m. case is concerned about feeling depressed, my 10:00 case is concerned about his failing grades, my 11:00 case is concerned about how anxious she is in social situations. If a colleague wanted to know more about a case, we went into the psychological formulation type of information. I found that communication flowed easily and my colleagues readily understood me.

So, I contend that the CSM would provide an easy to learn, non-pretentious, dogma free, common language. Additionally, it would provide a practical approach for third party payers’ record keeping. Let me explain clearly how easy and simple this could work.

Third party payer systems have a form that must be filled out whenever someone seeks mental health services under their plan. This form has a little box that currently typically says, “Diagnosis.” In that box, mental health professionals are required to fill in the DSM or ICD code that corresponds to their so-called diagnosis of the person seeking services.

With the CSM proposal, all that we would be asking third-party payer institutions to do differently in order to add value for their customers, is to slightly change that little box. Instead of just saying “Diagnosis” as it currently says, that box would end up saying, “Diagnosis or Concern.” Then, when mental health professionals fill in the box, they would be given the choice to either write in the letter “D,” thus indicating a diagnosis code will be entered into the box, or they would write the letter “C” thus indicating a concern code will be entered into the box. Once the letter “D” or “C” is written into the box, the appropriate code number would be entered.

With the creation of the CSM, not only will mental health providers have a new option to choose from, but so too will people seeking mental health services. They would be given the choice to go to psychopathologizing mental health service providers or to those using the CSM approach.

So, we would of course have to convince third party payers to make just this small change on their insurance form in order to increase value for a significant number of mental health providers and service users. The rest of their form would remain exactly the same.

In making the case to insurance companies, and others as well, that this choice would be beneficial, we could point to a March, 2008 research article titled, “The Effects of Choice on Intrinsic Motivation and Related Outcomes: A Meta-analysis of Research Findings.” Published in Psychological Bulletin, here we find that 41 studies were examined for the effect of choice on a variety of outcomes in a variety of settings. Results indicate that providing choice enhances intrinsic motivation, effort, task performance, and perceived competence, among other positive outcomes. There are a few studies out there that suggest that if you provide an enormous amount of bewildering options to a targeted population, the typical positive effects begin to diminish, but keep in mind that the CSM proposes just one additional option for mental health professionals and service users.

Here’s another benefit of the CSM approach in contrast to the DSM-ICD approach. The DSM-ICD approach, by using the “mental disorder” construct, simplistically devalues all of the experiences it refers to as mental disorders, providing a cognitive set that they are “bad” experiences. It does so despite the fact that there are a great number of people who have testified that having gone through these very types of experiences it brought forth valued fruits. With the CSM approach, we instead begin by addressing someone’s “concern.” Thus, there is no automatic need to assume that the experience that led to the concern is necessarily bad. Together with the mental health service provider, service users may come to understand that these experiences are part of a useful process; they may be a different than an average process with strengths and weaknesses. Though perhaps not bad, there may be a better approach to be discovered, etc. The DSM-ICD approach that pathologizes these types of experiences tend to close people to such possibilities. The CSM approach opens up these possibilities.

Conclusion

Now my time is almost up, so in closing, I’ll leave you with this; The CSM can do everything that the DSM-ICD approach can do with regards to providing a common language for mental health professionals to communicate about those utilizing their services, providing short phrases convenient for placing into search engines and titles, and providing a practical method for third party payer record keeping. Additionally, when compared to the DSM and ICD approach, the CSM approach would be less stigmatizing, as well as more scientific, person-centered, culturally sensitive and recovery-oriented. Therefore, it is my sincere hope that in the name of justice, we psychologist can fire-up the will to break out of the monopolistic DSM-ICD approach. I’m hoping we can fire up the will to make a real change by having us psychologists roll up our sleeves and then getting down to do the necessary work simply because we believe this is in the best interest of those we seek to help.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional and social intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

 

Categories
American Psychiatric Association American Psychological Association conflict resolution Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-5 DSM

Has Psychology Sold Out to Psychiatry?

Justice

Today, I want to consider if the American Psychological Association’s participation in the mental disorder labelling practices promoted by the the American Psychiatric Association is due to something other than science and promoting human welfare?

The American Psychological Association’s Emphasis on Science and Human Welfare

scienceFirst of all, I should note that I am a member of the American Psychological Association, and have been so for over forty years. Nevertheless, there is one particular aspect of the association that is deeply troubling to me.

Its very first sentence of the home page of its website states that it is “the leading scientific and professional organization representing psychology in the United States.” Shortly after this, it mentions, as well, that it has a mission to “promote human welfare.”

Keeping the profession as scientific as possible and promoting human welfare is something I very much support. Moreover, there are some things the association has been doing over the years that are consistent with these values, and therefore I have continued my membership. However, it greatly frustrates me that most psychologists providing mental health services are required to “diagnose” a person seeking mental health services with an approach supported and promulgated by the psychiatrist’s organization. This so called diagnosis then must be placed on the patient/client insurance form.

Structure-of-scientific-revolutionsAs part of the psychological organization’s strong interest in science, pretty much anyone entering its approved doctoral psychology program is required to study the ideas of Thomas Kuhn’s thesis on The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Such revolutions, we learned, come about after a period of time when a field presupposes a conceptual and instrumental framework accepted without question. Then, more and more, members of the community begin to see a buildup of anomalies in the framework until a “crisis” which can no longer be resolved within the pre-established framework.

dsm-5-smallIt just so happens that the psychiatrist’s stigmatizing diagnostic system, which is described in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fifth Edition (DSM-5), has huge anomalies that have been recognized for years, and despite this, psychologists continue to utilize it without taking substantive steps to create a more scientific alternative. Let’s take a quick look at these anomalies. Afterwards, we’ll look at the benefits to psychologists that may be motivating it to continue to go along with the DSM-5 approach despite its major scientific weaknesses.

The Scientific Shortcomings of the DSM-5

Science demands objective definitions, but the DSM-5 approach relies on the completely subjective definition of a mental disorder. Its definition of a mental disorder is, in large part, and I quote, “a syndrome characterized by a clinically significant disturbance in an individual.” Now, I ask you, what can be more subjective than this?

VagueThe process described in the DSM-5 for assessing the subjective notions of “disturbance” in the individual is left to the clinician who decides if these are “clinically significant.” Thus, it provides clinicians an opportunity to include anything that benefits their set of values.

Now we all know that many clinicians have a financial interest in deciding whether or not their clients have a clinically significant condition. When they judge that their clients’ conditions are significant, they indicate this on the third party intake forms and this allows them to continue to see these clients and to get paid for additional visits. On the other hand, clinicians who work in an underfunded community government clinic that is being swamped by those seeking to access mental health services might apply a more stringent standard for what constitutes a mental disorder. Thus, the DSM-5 approach to the definition of a mental disorder obviously leaves room for enormous bias by clinicians, rather than anything that looks objective and free from bias.

reliabilityAll psychologists are taught that if a hypothetical construct, such as a mental disorder, is to have any validity, it must first demonstrate that it can be reliably identified. Upon reading the DSM-5, we find that there is no documentation that people, whether they are clinicians or not, can reliably distinguish between those who have mental disorders and those who do not have mental disorders. Thus, the lack of this documentation is analogous to a classification system of birds that has no documentation that people can reliably distinguish birds from non-birds.

With regards to reliably distinguishing between the different types of mental disorders, some field trials did look at this. Keep in mind that the DSM-5 defines over 300 different mental disorders. Approximately 270 of them were not tested at all for reliability but are nevertheless included in the DSM-5. The field trials tried to look at the reliability for thirty-one “disorders” included in the DSM-5, probably selected because these were ones that its developers thought would be most likely to make the DSM-5 look as good as possibleThe results indicate that eight disorders had to be dropped altogether from the analysis because the researchers were unable to get enough data to support any analysis at all. Three others had reliability estimates that, according to the authors, fell in the “unacceptable range.” Six others had reliability estimates that fell in the “questionable range.” The remaining fourteen mental disorders had, according to the authors, “good to very good” reliability, despite the fact that there are no generally accepted standards for what counts as reliable enough against which the DSM-5 criteria can be judged. Among the “disorders” that were found to have very low reliability were “major depressive disorder” and “generalized anxiety disorder,” two of the most common “diagnoses.”

As I already mentioned, a classification system for a hypothetical construct must first demonstrate it is reliable. Then we look at the “validity” of the system. Upon examining the validity of the DSM, Thomas Insel, a recent NIMH director, stated:

thomas-inselThe weakness [of the DSM] is its lack of validity. Unlike our definitions of ischemic heart disease, lymphoma, or AIDS, the DSM diagnoses are based on a consensus about clusters of clinical symptoms, not any objective laboratory measure. In the rest of medicine, this would be equivalent to creating diagnostic systems based on the nature of chest pain or the quality of fever. Indeed, symptom-based diagnosis, once common in other areas of medicine, has been largely replaced in the past half-century, as we have understood that symptoms alone rarely indicate the best choice of treatment.

DiagnosisIn addition to the DSM’s shortcomings with regards to its classification system’s reliability and validity, there are also serious shortcomings with regards to its claim of being a diagnostic system. A diagnostic system speaks to etiology, that is, the cause, set of causes, or manner of causation of a disease or condition. But the DSM-5 specifically states that it is not designed to identify the cause of the various “disorders” it classifies. Then why use the term “diagnosis” rather than the more scientifically defensible term, “classification?” As we will see, this gets us back to our larger question, why does the psychologist organization accept the use of the DSM-5 given its problematic record of reliability and validity, as well as its use of the word “diagnosis” in a misleading, imprecise manner?

Why Does the American Psychological Association Continue to Go Along with the Use of the DSM-5?

In answering this question, in the interest of fairness to the psychologist organization, it is crucial to point out that it has not, to my knowledge, interfered with discussions about this issue. In fact, it has even, on occasion, supported these discussions. For example, in 2002, it published a book titled, Rethinking the DSM: A Psychological Perspective. There we find well researched critiques of the DSM approach, and some preliminary alternatives proposed. convention 1Moreover, symposium  proposals on this issue are oftentimes accepted for presentations at its national convention. (See HERE for a description of one well thought out research based alternative that was presented at its 2016 and 2017 conventions and was later published in a peer reviewed journal).

But despite these publications, discussions, and proposals, nothing has been done by the association to bring anything of substance to fruition. It certainly has the resources to commission the development of a far more scientific approach, but it has never done so. How come? Here’s one theory.

pillsA well recognized usefulness of the DSM-5 is that by using its medical sounding terms to refer to all of the experiences that this approach classifies as “mental disorders” it legitimizes in the minds of many the prescribing of drugs for these experiences.

There is an enormous amount of money being made from this approach because it takes less than a penny to manufacture each pill, and yet each pill can be sold for hundreds of times that amount. This is a rather unique business situation. Typically, if a company can sell its products or services for a 10 percent profit it is doing super well. Compared to such companies, the pharmaceutical companies are Jonathan Swift’s Brobdingnag Giants. With so much money being generated from this enterprise, the drug companies have managed to make it clear to powerful groups that what benefits the drug companies also benefits them. Examples are, major media outlets gain enormous revenues from drug company advertisements, and political campaigns get substantial support from industry lobby groups. Whenever a university wants to build a new building, often a pharmaceutical company offers financial support, and a number of professorship positions would not exist without its support.

prescriptionsNow keep in mind that the psychiatric association membership consists largely of psychiatrists who make their living by prescribing these drugs. Moreover, there are several reports indicating that the majority of the major players who developed the DSM-5 were on the payroll of the pharmaceutical industry. So, it makes sense to theorize that the psychiatric organization may very well be influenced by all of this wealth. But what about the psychological association?

Psychologists have a division called “Psychopharmacology and Substance Abuse” which depends, to a large extent, on grants provided by drug companies. Many psychologists get referrals from psychiatrists. More and more psychologists are getting the right to prescribe psychiatric drugs. And, as I already mentioned, the drug companies have powerful lobbyists working to influence government decisions about mental health practices.

Because of these influencing factors, the American Psychological Association, it appears to me, has turned a blind eye to its stated mission to be scientific and a promoter of human welfare.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

Categories
conflict resolution CSM DSM mental disorders Mental Illness psychopathology Thomas Szasz William James

Are Mental Illnesses Really Illnesses?

In 1961 psychiatrist Thomas Szasz published an article in the American Psychologist titled, “The Myth of Mental Illness.” There he proposed that the set of experiences, behaviors, and thoughts viewed as “mental illness” are more aptly construed as “problems in living.” 

SzaszThe following year, Dr Szasz published a best selling book by the same name. Some loved it while others writhed in anger. One reviewer, for example, gave it five stars out of five, and wrote:

Incredibly eye opening book. Shows how “mental illnesses” are not illnesses at all. Mental illness is best viewed as a metaphor. This isn’t to say that what we normally refer to as “mental illness” doesn’t exist, clearly these many psychological experiences do exist…but they are not genuine illnesses and when they are assumed to be this can lead to profound misunderstanding.

In contrast, another reviewer wrote:

bed-of-nails-sharp.jpg.653x0_q80_crop-smartHere is my curse on you, Thomas: May you suffer ten minutes of acute clinical depression. Ten minutes in that “over-heated room”, that “bell-jar”, that “bed of nails” which we sufferers know oh too well.

Why were there such strong reactions to a proposal for describing something in a new way? I began to get some understanding of this when I recently began to advocate that the phrase “mental health concerns” is a more apt alternative for referring to the patterns now referred to as either mental illnesses or mental disorders.

Relationship issues - middle aged couple with hand on chin

More specifically, my proposal, which was published in a peer reviewed journal (see HERE) calls for the development of a scientifically defensible classification system that would be called, “The Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns,” or, for short, the CSM. With this alternative, people who have mental health service insurance coverage would be given a choice–they could access this service either by going to a mental health service provider who requires that they be labeled as having a mental disorder (which is currently their only option), or they could choose to go to one that would only label their expressed mental health concerns. Like Dr. Szasz’s proposal, mine, too, has been met with enthusiastic support from some, while others have angrily called me a mental illness denier and dangerous.

angerI was initially puzzled about the anger that appears to come from many who genuinely believe, and demand others believe as well, that without any doubt mental illness is an illness like any other illness. My puzzlement stemmed from my experience that oftentimes when someone proposes a different way to describe something, it doesn’t create great uproars. The proposal is either met with feelings that the new way to describe something is either helpful, or not.

After much thought and discussions with others, I now see that this mental illness conflict is not purely about how to describe what is now typically called mental illness. Rather, it is about the feared consequences that may flow from any new way to describe this set of phenomenon.

To help others to see this clearly, today I’ll present a William James anecdote illustrating why definitional issues often don’t lead to conflict, but rather clearer understandings. Then I’ll seek to explain the unique resistance to questioning whether or not the patterns now called mental illnesses are best construed as illnesses.

A Definitional Issue Anecdote

PragmatismWilliam James, in his book, Pragmatism, tells us the following story

One day the good professor, being with a camping party in the mountains, returned from a solitary ramble, and found everyone engaged in a dispute about a squirrel. The squirrel is clinging to a tree trunk trying to hide from a person by moving to the opposite side of the tree where the man is looking.

Squirrel_on_tree_trunkThis human witness tries to get sight of the squirrel by moving rapidly round the tree, but no matter how fast he goes, the squirrel moves as fast in the opposite direction, and always keeps the tree between himself and the man, so that never a glimpse of him is caught. (p. 43)

So, given this set of agreed upon facts, the dispute was about this: Does the man go round the squirrel or not? Apparently everyone agreed that the man does go around the tree, and the squirrel is on the tree; but does he go round the squirrel?

Half the participants involved in the dispute felt the man did go round the squirrel, and half disagreed. Upon returning to the campsite, each side appealed to William James to help explain who was right.

going-around-in-circles“Which party is right,” I said, “depends on what you practically mean by ‘going round’ the squirrel. If you mean passing from north of him to the east, then to the south, then to the west, and then to the north again, obviously the man does go round him, for he occupies these successive positions. But if on the contrary you mean being first in front of him, then on the right of him, then behind him, then on his left, and finally in front again, it is quite obvious that the man fails to go round him, for by the compensating movement the squirrel makes, he keeps his belly turned towards the man all the time, and his back turned away. (p. 44)

Once James simply explained to those involved in the dispute that there are these two different ways to define the verb “to go round” the majority appeared to think that the distinction settled the dispute. One or two who had strongly taken a different position before James showed up, mumbled an objection to his argument, stating the decision really should be made based just on plain honest English, but this soon passed.

I tell this anecdote because it clearly illustrates that when someone describes a new way to look at a phenomenon, it has the potential to clarify the nature of the phenomenon. Disagreements that had sprung up because of vague descriptions may have gone on and on with no progress in sight. disagreementOnce the process of comparing and contrasting two or more descriptive approaches gets underway, it can lead to an understanding of just how vague some of the descriptions were, and they can be abandoned for more precise descriptions. Of course, the new description may also be so terribly vague as well, and nothing positive occurs. In such cases, a little time was wasted, and people get on with their lives without furious reactions.

So, with this in mind, why do people so angrily resist even considering an alternative to describing the set of phenomenon now referred to as mental illness? In the next section, I’ll try to provide some answers.

The Three Major Consequences that People Fear Might Flow from a Change in Descriptive Terms

moneyLet me begin here by asking you to note that in the squirrel anecdote, those who discussed whether or not the squirrel went around the tree were not going to lose their job, money, freedom, or any other highly significant valued thing depending on who ended up being proved correct. Once everyone declared their positions, each might have had a little sense of prestige that might be derived if they could convince others that they came up with the most respected answer. But for people who like to discuss issues, learning from the discussion is typically the most important reward for them, and they can well handle their emotions that come from having taken a position that ends up being faulty.

How about the issue of whether or not mental illness is, or is not, really an illness? From my discussions with supporters of the mental illness descriptor, I theorize that they fear three major consequences of any change.

Diminished Profits of the Pharmaceutical Industry and Prescribing Physicians

pillsThe pharmaceutical companies make billions of dollars convincing people that their experiences are illnesses like any other illnesses. Thus, they claim that taking a pill to manage their illness is not any different than taking insulin for diabetes. Psychiatrists and other doctors who prescribe these drugs have an enormous financial interest in keeping this position unchallenged.

For me, I find this sales pitch unconvincing. BuddhismThe facts are that there are numerous examples of people who could have easily been classified as having a mental illness who come to a state of enormous improvement either through a religious experience, a philosophy such as Buddhism, a delightful romantic love, an exciting new job, a support group such as AA, counseling, etc., You don’t see diabetes being “cured” by changes in relationships, work settings, religious beliefs, and thinking patterns. The fear of those invested in pharmaceutical company profits and the prescribing of their pills leads to great resistance to any descriptive changes that are not in line with the illness approach.

The Risk of Losing Access to Services

mentalhealth servicesThe second consequence that I think people fear is that people who now have access to mental health services might lose them if people stop thinking that the patterns now viewed as real illnesses are really not illnesses. Dr. Szasz’s “problems in living” alternative and my “mental health concerns” approach, they fear, will trivialize these experiences.

mental-health-servicesSome argue that if everyone could go to a mental health professional merely to have their concerns addressed, then the system would soon be overloaded with clients, and insurance policy costs would soar. Because insurance companies only cover people with more serious conditions known as mental disorders, so the argument goes, this limits the number of people who can get to see a mental health professional. However, I believe that third-party-payer executives would readily come to understand, with a little explaining, that mental health service providers now using the current mental illness approach do not turn anyone away who has mental health insurance coverage and comes to their office expressing what my approach refers to as a mental health concern. Professionals are in the business of increasing their clients. The current relevant definitions are so vague that with little imagination, anyone can be “diagnosed” as having a mental illness.

Fears About Blame

one couple man and woman Criticism concept

Finally, many people believe that the mental illness conceptualization absolves them of any blame for certain actions. For example, many parents believe they were unfairly blamed for the serious actions that their children began to display. They think that by saying that their children have an illness they are no longer blamed, or at least shouldn’t be blamed.

blame 3Similarly, people who seriously hurt others while drinking alcohol or in some furious fit might be blamed for their actions. Thinking that they have an illness, somehow makes them blameless.

In my view, not everyone who hears that their conduct is due to an illness suddenly feels relief from any guilt that they may be feeling. There is a process that one must undergo to learn how to effectively handle guilt feelings and this can occur at least as well with a mental health concern approach as with an illness approach.

william-james-philosopher-why-should-we-think-upon-things-that-areThis process involves learning that there is a dramatic difference between taking some responsibility for what has occurred and blaming oneself for what has occurred. Blame suggest that you should be punished for your actions. Taking some responsibility for your actions allows one to realize that there may indeed be some very strong conditions that are out of your control regardless of whether or not you have an illness. Blaming yourself for these is not helpful, but allowing yourself to experience deeply the dissatisfied feelings about whatever control you do have can spur you to make valued changes.

Giving people the opportunity to choose a mental health concern approach rather than an illness approach does not necessarily mean that people will be blamed any more or less for certain actions. The competition between these two models can improve outcomes for both approaches.

Conclusion

Illness 2Okay, so those are the three feared consequences that I have come to believe ignite anger whenever there is a discussion about conceptualizing the set of concerns now called mental illnesses. In my view, “mental health concerns” are a more apt way to conceptualize these concerns than “illnesses.” However, I fully support that for those who prefer the illness approach, that they be free to access services using that model. At the same time, I believe that ending the monopoly of the illness approach could very well stir up some valuable competition that will improve services for all.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.

 

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conflict resolution DSM Emotional pain empathy insults mental disorders Mental Illness Name calling psychiatrists psychiatry psychopathology The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders William James

From Psychiatric Name Calling to Plain, Humane English

mental Health ImageMany mental health service providers well know that there are serious problems with the jargon that is used in their profession.  In a recent post titled “Psychiatric Name Calling: Is It Time To Put A Stop To It?” I outline some of the most glaring ones.  In a subsequent post titled “Psychiatric Name Calling: Is There An Alternative?” I describe a plan for professionals who have an interest in eliminating the problems inherent in the current psychiatric pathologizing approach.  This plan would allow professionals to replace the old model with one that would be practical, more consistent with principles of science, and far less stigmatizing.

gearsAs I have been seeking ways to promote these ideas, it has become more and more apparent that the gears of the mental health service provider professional organizations grind slowly. Until the necessary changes occur, what can the average English speaking person do when faced with terms like mental illness, major depressive disorder, psychosis, schizophrenia, etc.?

Three Principles That Can Be Used When Psychiatric Pathology Terms Are Employed by Others So That The Negative Effects Associated With Their Usage Can Be Reduced 

grinding gearsEven people who are not mental health service providers will regularly use psychiatric jargon. Thus, a French writer once wrote:

My sadness was without limit, and having got possession of me, it filled my life from the most indifferent external acts to the most secret thoughts, and corrupted at their source my feelings, my judgment, and my happiness. It was then that I saw that to expect to put a stop to this disorder by my reason and by my will, which were themselves diseased, would be to act like a blind man who should pretend to correct one of his eyes by the aid of the other equally blind one.

In this quote, the French writer, to describe some concerns he had about his sad mood and how it was affecting his feelings, judgments, and happiness, uses the words “disorder” and “disease.”  This is the type of language most mental health service providers throw around. What is the writer attempting to convey by their use?

meaning 2Sometimes when these words will be employed, their context will make it clear what meaning the author intends. In this example, the author does provide some context.  He clearly indicates he was much sadder than he wished to be, and he believed he was unable to do anything about it.  He also expressed a concern about his feelings, judgments, and happiness, but he was less clear about what he meant by this.

meaning 1When someone begins to use pathologizing language and we simply don’t know what is intended, we might end up with misleading, simplistic associations. And so, here are three principles that can be used when psychiatric pathology terms are employed so that we can avoid unnecessary confusion.

Each Time Someone Uses A Psychopathologizing Term, Ask The User Of The Term For A More Specific Description Of What Is Meant By It

clearIn the example that I provided above, there was some lack of clarity about what the French writer meant about his judgments. We know that he felt that it was disordered and diseased. That really tells us nothing more than he was dissatisfied with his judgments. To clarify, we could ask for some specific examples of when his judgment proved to him unsatisfactory.

mental illnessAs another example, suppose you hear Alice saying that John Doe is “mentally ill.” If you want to use this first principle, you would ask Alice what, specifically, does “mentally ill” mean to her and what has John done specifically that led to her calling John this name. These questions typically lead to further constructive discussions and ends up clarifying the nature of many fascinating experiences.

When Psychopathologizing Terms Are Employed, Express A Concern That This Terminology Simplistically Devalues An Experience

Terms like “mental disorders,” “mental illness” and “psychosis,” even when used by professionals, implies that there is something wrong with the person being described. However, as I described in my post “Are Mental Illnesses Really Potentially Helpful Tools?” there are numerous examples of the types of experiences that tend to be labelled mental disorders that end up being enormously helpful.  Moreover, in cultures that recognize this possibility the outcomes for those people undergoing these challenging experiences are distinctly better.

rethinkAnd so, as you begin to use the first principle, asking for the user of pathologizing terminology for more specifics, if he or she seems to be suggesting that the experience is bad, you might wish to point out this well documented observation.  At such times, I often say, “Many people with artistic temperaments have these types of experiences.  Such people have given the world some of its most valued achievements.”

Instead Of Using The Concept of “Disease” And “Illness” To Encourage Humane Responding Toward Individuals Undergoing Challenging Experiences, Emphasize Rights, Kindness, And Practical Reasons

In seeking to encourage people who are using pathologizing terminology to be more specific, it is not uncommon to find that one reason they use these terms is that they hope it will encourage people to be more humane toward those who have certain challenging experiences.  They usually mean well by this, but this approach has been used for centuries and history documents that despite such efforts, people who are being given these labels have often ended up in some of the most horrible, degrading treatment facilities.

rightsInstead of using the concept of “disease” to encourage humane responding toward individuals undergoing the experiences that get labelled with pathological terms, an alternative is to emphasize human rights, kindness, and practical reasons.

Note that when people in a town are hit with a hurricane, we don’t have to resort to calling them ill to encourage some help. Instead, we have set up laws that entitle people to certain rights from the government when emergencies occur. Moreover, as word gets out about what is occurring to those who are suffering, out of kindness, people make donations or join their hands to provide direct assistance in a variety of ways. And lest we forget, there are practical reasons to lend a hand.  By doing so, we model for people just what kindness is all about.

kindness 1Any of us can find ourselves in an emergency situation.  The more we promote acts of kindness, the more likely we may find that others will treat us with kindness if we are ever to find ourselves in a very unfortunate set of circumstances.

Using the Three Principles

William James, in his grand book, The Varieties of Religious Experience, tells us of some people who have mystical experiences that tend to be called “mental disorders.” James begins to use the three principles when he seeks out descriptions of the various mystical experiences that go well beyond the simplistic psychopathological descriptions.  He then states that these mystical states have the right to be absolutely authoritative over the individuals to whom they come.

mysticalIt is vain for rationalism to grumble about this. If the mystical truth that comes to a man proves to be a force that he can live by, what mandate have we of the majority to order him to live in another way? We can throw him into a prison or a madhouse, but we cannot change his mind-we commonly attach it only the more stubbornly to its beliefs.

It mocks our utmost efforts, as a matter of fact, and in point of logic it absolutely escapes our jurisdiction. Our own more “rational” beliefs are based on evidence exactly similar in nature to that which mystics quote for theirs. Our senses, namely, have assured us of certain states of fact; but mystical experiences are as direct perceptions of fact for those who have them as any sensations ever were for us…. The mystic is, in short, invulnerable, and must be left, whether we relish it or not, in undisturbed enjoyment of his creed. 

kindness 2In this quote, we find no plea from James that we should treat mystics humanely because they have a mental disease. Instead, James puts forth “rights” and “pragmatic” considerations. He argues that just like we in the majority would not like to be ordered to live in a particular way, these mystics have the right to live their way. And pragmatically, if we do use heavy-handed approaches to try to change them, such as throwing them in a madhouse, they will become more stubborn in their beliefs.

James proceeds from here to state that mystics have no right to claim that “we ought to accept the deliverance of their peculiar experiences, if we are ourselves outsiders, and feel no private call thereto.”  His theme is tolerance for both the majority toward the minority and vice versa.

Returning to pragmatic arguments, James tells us in his chapter on mysticism that some have found that their mystical experiences have led to wonderful fruits that they highly valued. Some, for example, suffered for a great period of time and after their mystical experience felt wondrously free from their pain and found in its place increased energy and happiness.

kindness 3James well realizes that the fruits from mystical experiences are not always positive, but he asks us, at the very least, to realize that they have the potential to “be indispensable stages in our approach to the final fullness of the truth.” Thus, we see that “rights” and “pragmatic arguments” can be used instead of a disease concept to promote humane, kind responses toward those who have the types of experiences that tend to be called mental disorders.

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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on.  This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence.  To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.