The two dominant manuals for “diagnosing mental disorders” are the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and the International Classification of Diseases. (ICD). Their overarching concept is mental disorders. Synonyms are psychopathology, and mental illness. To access mental health services, most people are required to accept being labelled as having a mental illness. Not everyone respects this requirement.
These manuals continue this pathologizing despite the long history of such terminology being cogently criticized. In contrast to this pathologizing concept, there exists a peer reviewed published article that advocates an alternative method for accessing services, one that replaces the “mental illness” overarching concept with “mental health concerns” that includes the idea that these concerning experiences often serve adaptive functions. It is argued that this approach is a significant improvement over the pathologizing concept.
Criticism of the Mental Illness Concept
Professor William James
William James (1902/1961) was an early critic of the concept of psychopathology, referring to it as “simple minded” (p. 29) and “superficial medical talk” (p. 324). In his 1896 Lowell Lectures on Exceptional Mental States (which were reconstructed by Eugene Taylor in 1984 from James’s notes), he stated that experiences that are commonly viewed as unhealthy or morbid are really “an essential part of every character” and give life “a truer sense of values” (p. 15). James went on from there to note that medical writers tend to,
represent the line of mental health as a very narrow crack, which one must tread with bated breath, between foul friends on the one side and gulfs of despair on the other…. There is no purely objective standard of sound health. Any peculiarity that is of use to a man is a point of soundness in him, and what makes a man sound for one function may make him unsound for another…. The trouble is that such writers use the descriptive names of symptoms merely as an artifice for giving objective authority to their personal dislikes. The medical terms become mere appreciative clubs to knock a man down with…. The only sort of being, in fact, who can remain as the typical normal man, after all the individuals with degenerative symptoms have been rejected, must be a perfect nullity. Who shall absolutely say that the morbid has no revelations about the meaning of life? That the healthy minded view so-called is all? (pp. 163-165)
In more recent time, Schroder, et al. (2023), carried out a relevant study. It presents data from a study in which participants with self-reported depression histories viewed a series of videos that explained depression as a “disease like any other” with known biopsychosocial risk factors (BPS condition), or as a signal that serves an adaptive function (Signal condition). The Signal condition led to less self-stigma, greater offset efficacy, and more adaptive beliefs about depression.
Additional recent criticism of the mental illness concept has been presented by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations (UN). In its jointly published report titled “Mental health, human rights, and legislation: guidance and practice” (2023), it states:
The biomedical model of mental health is based on the concept of mental health conditions being caused by neurobiological factors (1, 2). As a result, care often focuses on diagnosis, medication, and symptom reduction, rather than considering the full range of social and environmental factors that can impact mental health. This can lead to a narrow approach to care and support that may not address the root causes of distress and trauma (p. xiii).
The same report also states:
Every person should have the opportunity to define what recovery means for them, and which areas of their life they wish to focus on as part of their own recovery journey. Recovery considers the person and their context as a whole, and no longer adheres to the idea or goal of the person “being cured” or “no longer having symptoms” (p. xiv).
Is it possible to respectfully address these issues?
Dr. Jeffrey Rubin
I have proposed an alternative classification system (Rubin 2018; Rubin in press) titled “Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns” (CSM). This approach does not simply exchange the mental illness concept with mental health concerns; rather, the mental health concerns concept is different in several important ways.
The CSM assumes each person seeking to access services as a unique individual. Rather than labeling anyone, it labels expressed concerns. Whereas the mental illness concept declares there is something wrong with the person, the CSM emphasizes, mental health concerns often turn out to be indispensable stages in acquiring valued fruits.
A mental health concern, as defined in the CSM, occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, addictions, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situations. This is an observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, and therefore avoids the well documented reliability and validity problems of the mental illness concept.
Once it has been established what the concerns are, a collaborative effort between the mental health service provider and service seeker, begin creating answers to a semi-structured psychological formulation that looks at:
How distressing is each of the concerns that were mentioned on a scale of 1 to 7?
When and in what situations is the concern most problematic?
When and in what situations is the concern least problematic?
What are personal strengths?
Levels of functioning in the areas of sleep, eating, employment, education, relationships, on a 1 to 7 scale?
What is a tentative theory of cause or causes, jointly created, that considers the full range of social and environmental factors.
Arguments for the Practicality of the CSM
In Some Settings Using Expressed Concerns Has Worked Fine
When I was doing my PhD practicum at the University of Minnesota’s Counseling Center, I worked there for a whole year and we had no need to use the “mental disorder” jargon of the DSM and ICD to communicate. When my advisor asked me to quickly tell him about my morning cases, I would reply with words like, “My 9:00 a.m. case is concerned about feeling depressed, my 10:00 case is concerned about his failing grades, my 11:00 case is concerned about how anxious she is in social situations.”
If my advisor wanted to know more about a case, we went into the psychological formulation type of information. This informal way to communicate among the professionals and graduate students at the counseling center flowed smoothly while we provided a wide range of mental health services.
The CSM Is Practical Because It Maintains the Concept of “Mental Health”
Currently, we have such enormous organizations as Mental Health America and its state and regional affiliates, the National Institute of Mental Health, university and college programs offering degrees in mental health counseling, and states offering certifications in this field. Psychologists, social workers, counselors, and psychiatrists regularly refer to themselves as providing services under the umbrella of “mental health service providers.” For these reasons, the CSM would maintain the concept of “mental health” so it can be comfortably and realistically accommodated into the many large organizations currently using it.
However, the CSM would use the term “mental health” in a way that is different from what is implied in the DSM and the ICD. The CSM would explicitly reject the idea that the opposite of mental health is mental illness. Rather, the word “health” in the CSM’s “mental health” would be phrased in a manner that indicates that professionals dealing with mental health concerns are part of the allied health professions. The reason for thinking of these professionals as health providers follows.
Many of the concerns that would fall under the CSM’s list of related topics have been identified in scientific studies as “physical health risk” factors. For example, people who express a concern about being addicted to alcohol are at increased risk of developing sclerosis of the liver (O’Shea, Dasarathy, & McCullough, 2010). Those who express concerns about eating more than average may be at greater risk of diabetes and heart disease (Mokdad et al., 2003). Quality of interpersonal relations, lack of sleep, depression with thoughts of suicide, and various other concerns or clusters of concerns can be studied for the degree of physical health risk that they pose.
A major goal of mental health providers under the proposed CSM system is to turn “physical health risk” factors into “physical health protective” factors. The degree to which this is successful can be studied using currently available methodologies. It is in this very specific sense that the mental health concern topics are viewed not merely as mental concerns but also mental health concerns. By being explicit about this change in conceptualizing mental health, we have good reason to believe that the CSM proposal holds promise for avoiding most of the negative baggage that comes with this type of terminology.
So, in brief, the CSM approach promises to reduce stigma, improve care, increase self-efficacy, and open new avenues of research. In going forward, I encourage people to begin the process of reconceptualizing what has been promoted as mental illnesses to a mental health concerns. Moreover, for those who have any influence with those in the world of psychology and psychiatry, please encourage them to adopt the CSM approach.
My Best,
Jeff
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
Welcome to From Insults to Respect. I hope the beauty of spring is helping to make your daily challenges more pleasant.
Regular readers know that from time to time I write a post advocating that mental health service providers change the way people access their services so that it becomes more respectful and more consistent with the principles of science. What I mean by this, is that currently those who have a health insurance policy that includes mental health services discover that when they seek to access those services they have to first be declared as a person with a mental disorder. Not everyone is happy about this, as the following parable suggests.
The Parable of Julianne and Dr. Robles
“Hi Julianne,” says Dr. Robles, as he greets his new counselee. “What can I help you with?”
“Well, Dr. Robles, I…I….” Tears begin to form in Julianne’s lovely hazel eyes. She takes out a tissue, blows her nose, wipes her eyes, and continues. “You see, I have two young children, age 3 and 5, and my husband left us a couple of months ago. I’ve been trying to keep it together, especially for the children, you know, and, well, it’s been so hard.”
“I can imagine it would be,” Dr. Robles replies gently. “Raising two kids even under the best of circumstances is quite a challenge.”
“Yes. And now I’m trying to do it all bymyself, and I’ve been feeling so depressed, and if I get any worse…. I mean I thought I better come in to prevent myself from crawling into bed and not getting out. I have to think of the children. I checked and I have mental health coverage on my insurance policy.”
“Yes, my secretary looked into that, and you do have mental health service coverage. Your insurance company requires that I must place a diagnosis on your health insurance form for you to access that service. I hear, so far, that you are concerned about….”
“Wait! What do you mean you have to place a diagnosis on my health form? You aren’t going to write in there that I have some sort of mental disorder, are you?”
“Well, I wish we didn’t have to get into this labelling issue. Personally, I think it’s best to treat each person that I provide counseling to as an individual. It is understandable that many people don’t want to be placed in a diagnosis box, especially one known to be stigmatizing. But the insurance companies do require a diagnosis.”
“That’s not fair! I’ve been paying insurance premiums for years and I never signed any agreement that to access this service I had to be labeled like this?”
“Well, I can easily see why you feel that it is unfair. I actually agree with you. Perhaps it would help if I let you know that in the vast number of cases the information in your medical records remains confidential?”
“No, it doesn’t help! Even the most confidential government records have been hacked, and my husband and I are in a legal fight over custody of the children. If he petitions the court to see my medical records, what guarantee do I have that the court won’t end up seeing them?”
“Computer hacks do occur, and I have heard about very rare instances when courts did manage to view a person’s medical records over the patient’s objections, so your concerns are reasonable. I wish I knew of some way around this labelling requirement, but for now we are stuck with this system.”
The Purpose of the Above Scenario
In today’s scenario, we see an example of both the person seeking counseling and the mental health service provider desiring that a certain requirement of accessing mental health services be eliminated.
Unlike them, some people actually find it reassuring when a doctor declares that they have a diagnosable condition, and they experience no objection when they learn that this condition is to be placed in their medical records.
For those who believe the current mental disorder classification system is helpful, I seek not to interfere with their ability to access services in the manner that they prefer. What I do seek is that for the significant number of people who do object to the current psychiatric labelling system, they nevertheless have equal access to mental health services without the mental disorder labelling requirement.
The above scenario provides readers an example of why some object to this type of labelling, but recent surveys indicate there are many others as well. In an article published in the Journal of Humanistic Psychology (Click HERE to access the article), I discuss these surveys.
Jonathan D. Raskin, PhD
For example, here’s what Jonathan D. Raskin and Michael C. Gayle wrote when they summarized their survey data of psychologists who regularly use the standard mental disorder classification system known as the DSM(DSM-5: Do Psychologists Really Want an Alternative?2015, pages 1-18).
“Although more than 90% of psychologists report using the DSM, they are dissatisfied with numerous aspects of it and support developing alternatives to it—something that psychologists over 30 years ago supported, as well. The finding that almost all psychologists use the DSM despite serious concerns about it raises ethical issues because professionals are ethically bound to only use instruments in which they are scientifically confident.”
In my journal article, I go on to propose a practical, more scientific alternative to the DSM. I call this alternative, the Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns (CSM). The first words in the CSM would be: “The developers of the CSM fully recognize that individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not seek to classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider.”
After publishing my journal article, I discovered at a number of forums that many people after hearing me out, expressed that the CSM approach makes a great deal of common sense. Some also readily saw that its scientific merits are enormous because the expression of a mental health concern is a clearly observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, and therefore its use would beautifully solve the reliability problems that have been plaguing the DSM’s far more abstract, vague, theoretical construct of “mental disorder.”
On the other hand, some resisted the CSM approach. As I began to question them, seeking to figure out where exactly the disconnect was, I discovered that for some, it had to do with their belief that the DSM is a classification system based on solid principles of science and nothing could possibly be better. As I questioned them further, I discovered that their understanding of what a scientific classification system is designed to do was a bit incomplete. So, in today’s post, I explain in an easy to understand manner the nature of scientific classification systems, beginning with a description of a classification system with which we are all so very familiar–birds. This will enable us to see clearly why the bird classification system is useful as a scientific instrument. We will then look at the DSM classification system in light of what we learned about the bird system, and this will reveal the DSM‘s serious scientific shortcomings. Finally, we will compare and contrast the DSM system with the proposed CSM system in a manner that can make the superior scientific merits of the latter crystal clear.
The Bird Classification System
A branch of science begins with something some people are so interested in that they want to study it carefully and share what they find with others, while at the same time learn from others what they find out. As it turns out, there are some people very interested in birds.
The next thing that happens in a branch of science is careful observation of the topic of interest. After some early observations, the scientists begin to put together a classification system, which is also known as developing a taxonomy. This begins with explicitly defining what that something is that they are interested in. Said in another way, they describe that something of interest in a clear and detailed manner, leaving no room for confusion or doubt. So, in our example of “birds,” scientists have decided that they are a group of endothermic vertebrates, characterized by feathers, toothless beaked jaws, the laying of hard-shelled eggs, a high metabolic rate, a four-chambered heart, and a strong yet lightweight skeleton.
Once scientists carefully define their general topic of interest, they describe different types of what they are interested in. So in our bird example, the scientist interested in them came up with a taxonomy that lists bluejays, pigeon, sparrow, and so forth as subtypes of the general category of birds, describing each subtype in a precise manner that can reliably distinguish each from the others on their list. Why bother to do this?
The main reason is that when they discuss their findings with others, they want to make sure they are using words that mean the same thing, and it is a great time saver. For example, let’s say John is a bird scientist and he says to Judy, another scientist, “I saw a bird the other day and I didn’t know what type it was; can you help me figure out what it is?” Notice that since both of these scientists know the meaning of a bird, it saves John quite a few words. Just imagine if instead every time John uses the word bird he had to say, “I saw something that had an endothermic vertebrae, characterized by feathers, toothless beaked jaws, the laying of hard-shelled eggs, a high metabolic rate, a four-chambered heart, and a strong yet lightweight skeleton.” That’s quite a mouthful to have to say each and every time you refer to a bird. In this example, just saying bird saves a scientist about 30 words each time the word bird is used.
The word bird, once explicitly defined also saves time in other ways. For example, let’s say there was no agreed upon definition of what a bird is and no classification systems at all. And let’s say John, the scientist, wants to find in a library some information about a particular type of bird. He would have to waste time looking at every single book in his library until he found one that seemed to be talking about what he was interested in.
As another example of the time saving value of classification systems, let’s say “bird” was vaguely defined as a flying creature. This would result in John having to unnecessarily wade through numerous books on flying insects, of which there are hundreds of thousands of types, bats, and some fish that sort of can fly. With the current bird classification system, anyone can go to a library and quickly find the specific section that houses information on just birds. Similarly, placing the word “bird” in a search engine enables John to more quickly retrieve relevant information than would a less explicit definition.
The DSM Classification System
Dr Ralph Slovenko
The DSM‘s overarching topic of interest is something it calls “mental disorders.” Dr Ralph Slovenko was a renowned psychiatrist. Prior to his death in 2013, he authored hundreds of articles and more than 10 books, including Psychiatry in Law/Law in Psychiatry, which went into a second edition in 2009. Let’s take a look at how he described the definition of mental disorder:
“Although this manual [the DSM] provides a classification of mental disorders, it must be admitted that no definition adequately specifies precise boundaries for the concept of “mental disorder.” The concept of mental disorder…lacks a consistent operational definition that covers all situations. All medical conditions are defined on various levels of abstraction–for example, structural pathology (e.g., ulcerated colitis), symptom presentation (e.g., migraine), deviance from a physiological norm (e.g., hypertension), and etiology (e.g., pneumonoccal pneumonia). Mental disorders have also been defined as variety of concepts (e.g., distress, discontrol, disadvantage, disability, inflexibility, irrationality, syndrome pattern, etiology, and statistical deviation). Each is a useful indicator for a mental disorder, but none is equivalent to the concept, and different situations call for different definitions.”
Dr. Slovenko goes on from here to tell us what the definition was used in the edition of the DSM back in 1994.
“In the DSM-IV, each of the mental disorders is conceptualized as a clinically significant behavioral or psychological syndrome or pattern that occurs in an individual and that is associated with present distress (e.g., a painful symptom) or disability (i.e., impairment in one or more important areas of functioning) or with a significant increase risk of suffering death, pain, disability, or an important loss of freedom.”
Now I ask you, does this definition meet your standard for being explicit? To me, it is like saying that the definition of a bird is, something that has feathers, or scales, or teeth, or is beaked, or is warm blooded. It is actually worse than that, because the difference between such descriptors as teeth and a beak can be determined with excellent reliability. Can we determine the difference between “clinically significant” and “not clinically significant” with the same degree of precision? Clinically significant is subjective, in contrast to being objective, and science requires objective definitions.
The latest edition of the DSM (DSM-5) is just as vague. It begins, “Although no definition can capture all aspects of all disorders in the range contained in the DSM-5, the following elements are required.” Although it says the following elements are required, it then makes it clear that the elements that it lists are not required. As I provide the rest of the definition, notice the use of the word “or” and “usually.”
“A mental disorder is a syndrome characterized by clinically significant disturbance in an individual’s cognitive, emotion regulation, or behavior that reflects a dysfunction in the psychological, biological, or developmental process underlying mental functioning. Mental disorders are usually associated with significant distress in social, occupational, or other important activities. An expected or culturally approved response to a common stressor or loss, such as the death of a loved one, is not a mental disorder. Socially deviant behavior (e.g., political, religious, or sexual) and conflicts that are primarily between the individual and society are not mental disorders unless the deviance or conflict results from a dysfunction in the individual, as described above.”
Again, the descriptor “clinically significant” is used, as it was in the previous edition of the DSM. This is about as vague a descriptor as one can possibly conjure up. How about the descriptor “dysfunction?” This, too, is left to the subjective opinion of mental health providers who often have financial interests in declaring that someone has a mental disorder.
My above critique of the mental disorder definition begs the question, Can scientists reliably distinguish those with a mental disorder from those who do not?
There is a simple scientific way to determine this. It involves randomly selecting a few hundred people from the population. Then, perhaps 20 scientists familiar with the definition would interview each in the time period usually devoted to making a so-called diagnosis in clinical practice. After each interview, each scientist would separately indicate on a piece of paper his or her decision about whether or not the person has, or does not have, a mental disorder. Each decision would be made independently from the other scientists, that is, without knowledge of the other scientists’ decisions. After this data were collected, statisticians would look to see how well the different scientists agreed with each other.
Recently, I tried to retrieve this type of study using Google Scholar by putting in the search window, “Reliability of determining who has a mental disorder and who does not.” Nothing of value came up. I tried other search terms to retrieve this basic scientific information. Again, nothing.
Eventually I found some relevant information. The vast majority of mental disorders listed in the DSM were never assessed for reliability, and the few that were indicate that this is a major area of weakness for this classification system.
Barbara S. Held, PhD
Relevant to this issue is a recent peer reviewed article by Barbara S. Held in the Review of General Psychology (2017) that discusses the various mental disorder categories (p. 82-94). She states that these heterogeneous categories have produced a lack of scientific progress because of their “internal incoherence, such that any given instance (diagnosed person) may share few and, in some cases, none of the category-defining features of other persons given that same categorical label.” (p. 83)
Dr. Held goes on to say:
“This is called the problem of “polytheticity” in the theoretical/philosophical clinical literature, and is seen as a primary source of obstacles to building a progressive science of mental disorder; it is also seen as related to the daunting problem of comorbidity, which calls into question the presumably discrete nature of disorder categories.”
So, boiling down the above critique of the mental disorder construct to its basics, the construct violates principles of science because its definition is neither explicit nor objective.
The CSM Versus the DSM
I, for one, am interested in a phenomenon that I, and others, call mental health concerns. Obviously there is wide interest in this. After all, there are numerous educational institutions that provide training to people so they can become credentialed to address mental health concerns. Numerous people actually voluntarily go to these educational institutions, devoting considerable time and expense. Once completing the credentialing requirements, they apply to their state credentialing board, pay a fee, and then after the board checks to see if all of its requirements have been fulfilled, it grants a license permitting the person to legally provide mental health services. That person then sets up a practice that offers mental health services. People wishing to access these services first devote some time to decide where to go. They then make an appointment, show up for the appointment, and then express their mental health concern to the mental health service provider. Aspects of all of this occur each and everyday and involves tens of thousands of people working in a coordinated fashion to have mental health concerns addressed in a professional manner.
Now, as someone interested in this mental health concern phenomenon, I have spent some time observing the phenomenon by matriculating into undergraduate and graduate programs, and then meeting all of the requirements to provide some mental health services in my state. I’m not permitted to prescribe psychiatric drugs, and if you think electroconvulsive shock treatment is a mental health service, I can’t provide that service either.
But other then those two services, people have made appointments with me for over thirty years and expressed various mental health concerns, and I did my best to work with them to address these concerns.
So, now that I carefully observed this something that I am keenly interested in, I’m ready to put together a classification system with others interested in scientifically studying the same something. To begin the process, I first proposed in a peer-reviewed format a tentative proposal which was accepted for publication (see HERE). It defines my something of interest as follows:
A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern that he or she wants to have addressed.
This definition of a mental health concern requires all of the following items for a mental health concern to exist:
A person seeking mental health services
A mental health service provider offering his or her services
The mental health service provider had to fulfill undergraduate and graduate training that meets the standard of his or her state licensing department.
The person seeking services expresses a concern to a mental health service provider with the desire that he or she will work to address the expressed concern
Notice that the phenomenon that I am talking about requires that all of the various items listed exist in order for a mental health concern to be present. It is therefore far more explicit about what constitutes a mental health concern than the DSM‘s set of criteria for a mental disorder which uses language indicating that a disorder can’t really be defined clearly, but sometimes this is present, or maybe this, or maybe this, unless it is this other thing….
Also notice that no one doubts that each of the 4 listed items that, taken together, make up the mental health concern concept exists. Everyone agrees that there are people who seek mental health services in our society. Everyone agrees there are people licensed to provide mental health services. If you go further down the list, there is no question whatsoever, that these other conditions also exist. So the definition, I contend, meets the scientific standard that it describes the something of interest (mental health concern) in a clear and detailed manner, leaving no room for confusion or doubt. Once the CSM classification system comes to be fully developed, people would be able to use the term “mental health concern” as a short way to indicate a phenomenon that contains all four of its defining characteristics.
With regards to the various types of concerns that mental health service providers are asked to address by those seeking their services, two major types would be, 1. concerns expressed about oneself, and 2. concerns expressed about someone else. Under the headings of each of these two major types would be concerns regarding behavior, emotion, mood, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, addiction, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, hearing voices others don’t hear, and challenging life situations. This, of course, is just a preliminary list of types, and through survey data that ask psychologists and mental health advocacy groups about the various mental health concerns that they are asked to address, the list would become more fully developed.
Conclusion
The above explanation was designed to clarify just one of the reasons why the proposed CSM’s mental health concern concept provides a far more solid scientific foundation on which to build a classification system than the DSM‘s mental disorder concept. Despite the fact that many people have become convinced that the DSM‘s classification system is a sound scientific instrument, its definition is far more vague than how I propose defining a mental health concern.
Many people, including professionally trained psychiatrists and psychologists, have long argued that the mental disorder concept fails to meet the very basic principles of a valid scientific concept. We can do better by using the basic scientific standard of explicitly defining core concepts in our mental health classification system, and giving people seeking mental health services a choice about whether or not their expressed mental health concerns are to be converted into pathologizing language.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional and social intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
Regularreaders know that I have, from time to time, been dealing with a conflict regarding psychiatric diagnosis. Said briefly, there are many people who immediately lose respect for anyone who questions the validity of the mental illness/mental disorder theoretical construct. On the other hand, many people have lost respect for the psychiatric profession because of its pathologizing approach of addressing concerns related to thinking, mood, behavior, or challenging life situations. Amidst this conflict, I have been trying to put forth on this blog, and in a number of other publishing outlets, an alternative approach with which the disputing parties can live in relative peace.
Last year, I presented a paper on this topic at the American Psychological Association convention in Denver (see HERE). That paper defended my alternative approach by focusing on the reasons it would, when compared to the current psychiatric approach, be more respectful, beneficial, and fairer to those seeking mental health services while being just as practical for mental health service providers. This year, I will soon (8/5/17) be presenting a paper at the American Psychological Association Convention in Washington D.C. on this topic, but this time I plan to focus on the scientific merits of my alternative. I am hoping to get some feedback about my preliminary draft. So, if you will, please take a look at it. All are encouraged to provide suggestions for improvement or to raise any questions.
My Speech
Albert Einstein created a revolution in the branch of science known as physics. Prior to the 20th century, physicists explained the propagation of light with the use of a theoretical construct known as the ether. There were experts in the ether who described ways to define it, along with its various characteristics. It was thought, for example, that the ether didn’t move in any direction, but it could vibrate. There was much discussion about an ether wind. And then Einstein came along and described the nature of light without resorting at all to the ether.
There was a great deal of resistance to Einstein’s theory at first, but in time his theory came to be accepted as a distinct improvement. Today I want to make the case that the theoretical construct known as mental disorder is the ether of psychology. Here’s a little of what I mean by that.
For a long time now, when people seek to access mental health services, they find that in most settings the concern they want addressed must be converted into mental disorder terminology. In the United States, the text used for this purpose is typically the DSM.
Criticism of the mental disorder construct began at the very beginning of American psychology when William James declared that it was nothing more than superficial medical talk. Criticism continued throughout the 20th century, and when the latest version of the DSM came out, there was a ton of media and professional articles that once again pointed out its numerous scientific shortcomings. Many throughout general psychology expressed deep concerns that psychologists utilizing the DSM approach had sold out to psychiatry and the pharmaceutical industry. Moreover, they bitterly complained that a paradigm that utilizes the mental disorder construct brings down respect for psychology as a legitimate branch of science. What can be done about this?
Well, in thinking about this I hasten to mention that Thomas Kuhn’s (1972) classic book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, rightly points out, for real change to occur in a branch of science, it is not enough to point out the weaknesses of a paradigm, there needs, as well, a new approach that is a distinct improvement over the old paradigm. So, is it possible to really come up with a distinct improvement over the current DSM approach? I think our APA can do this easily if it set its mind to it, and it can do so within a year.
What would this new approach look like? Well, for your consideration, I offer you the Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns, or, for short, the CSM. Let’s look at a summary of what it would contain.
It would begin with the following statement:
“The developers of the CSM fully recognize that individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not seek to classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider.”
Now think about this for a moment. The expression of a mental health concern is a clearly observable event that occurs at a specific time and place. Thus, by making it the event being classified, it beautifully solves the reliability problems that have been plaguing the DSM’s far more abstract theoretical construct of “mental disorder.”
Here’s the CSM’s definition of its main construct:
A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about thinking, mood, behavior or challenging life situation.
That’s it—that’s its definition. If a service provider is not certain if a mental health concern has been expressed, he or she could easily verify that it has indeed occurred. Here’s a simple example of what that would look like.
Let’s say Mary Doe comes to a licensed practicing psychologist and says she has been feeling a great deal of sadness much of her days. The psychologist, for verification purposes can say, “I hear you saying that you are concerned about how sad you have been feeling much of your days, and you would like us to work together to address this concern, is that correct?” If the service seeker says yes, this would verify that a mental health concern has been expressed, and what the concern is.
In the CSM, the various concerns would be provided, along with a code for insurance company record keeping. Concerns that would be included in the first edition of the CSM would be selected empirically from survey data that asks practicing psychologists to identify the types of concerns they were asked to address in their practice over the past year, but to avoid utilizing pathologizing words.
The creation of the CSM would provide a common, jargon-free language for mental health service providers that utilizes a distinctly more scientific alternative than the DSM approach. It would stimulate research programs that compare outcomes for services that utilized the DSM approach with that of the CSM approach. Moreover, it would provide a new choice to mental health service consumers, challenge old ideas, and stimulate fresh perspectives.
The scientific merits of the CSM approach, when compared to the DSM approach are numerous. Unfortunately, there is not enough time here to go into them in any detail. For those of you who are interested in the details, you can readily find an article that I recently wrote that is now published in The Journal of Humanistic Psychology. Up on the screen is the reference. [Click HERE to access the journal article]
Call for Feedback
Well, there you have it. I only have seven minutes to present the paper, so many of the essential points that I would love to make have to be left out. There will be some time for questions and discussion, so some additional information could be shared then. And, for those who are interested, as I point out in my paper, they can now readily retrieve a far more complete presentation of my proposal by assessing the journal article I wrote that was just published last month.
Chiefly, my objective in presenting my paper at this year’s APA convention is to stir up the interest of as many psychologists as I can in the hope that a coalition will begin to form that can lead us toward making a significant improvement in the state of the current conflict. Again, I urge readers to let me know their thoughts on this topic, and to make any suggestions they would like aimed at improving my presentation.
At 39-years of age, Ron had been a respected employee in a department store for nearly ten years. If he had made it to ten full years, he would have qualified for some extra benefits. Upper management chose to replace him with someone new a week before the ten years were up. Discovering that landing a new job was leading to one rejection after another, Ron fell into an anguishing depression.
Observing him having sleepless nights and losing weight, Ron’s wife urged him to see a mental health professional. “You’ve been paying for mental health coverage on your health policy for over fifteen years. You might as well take advantage of it and see if a professional can help you through this.”
Ron resisted, but when he received yet another terribly anxiety producing employment rejection, tears streamed down like two little waterfalls.
At his first appointment with Dr. Sigmund, a cigar smoking psychologist, Ron discovered that to access mental health services with his health policy, he would have to be labeled as a person with a mental disorder. “I don’t want that kind of nonsense in my medical record,” he told Dr. Sigmund. “I’m not mentally ill! I’m just going through some tough times right now and I can use some professional help getting through this.”
“After a long drag on his cigar, Dr. Sigmund sadly explained, “I have to place on the insurance form a mental disorder diagnosis or I can’t see you.”
Thoughts began to race through Ron’s head. Sometimes, on a job application form it asks if I had ever been treated for a mental disorder. If I answer truthfully, that could end up costing me the job. If I lie and someone broke into the insurance records system and released them to the public, I could be convicted of fraud. I was thinking of some day going into politics. If anyone ever got wind of the fact that I was given a so called mental disorder diagnosis, that could be the end of that.
“Listen, Doctor, I’ve been paying for this mental health coverage for years and no one ever told me I had to be given a stigmatizing label to access services. That’s not fair.”
“You feel it’s unfair,” said Dr. Freud. He then paused, frowned, and said, “I’m sorry, but that’s how the system works. And, after all, these are real disorders, based on sound science. In fact we have recently learned that these disorders are properly viewed as genetic diseases. The evidence is pretty plain. We have learned that these types of conditions run in families, and genetic research has even identified the actual genes that are involved.”
Upon hearing this, Ron chose to walk out of the doctor’s office feeling more miserable than when he arrived.
In the above parable, Dr. Sigmund makes three statements.
“I have to place on the insurance form a mental disorder diagnosis or I can’t see you.”
“these [mental disorders] are real disorders, based on sound science.”
“these disorders are properly viewed as genetic diseases.”
I have discussed extensively in earlier posts the issues surrounding the first two statements, so I’ll just briefly address them in the next section while providing the links to those earlier posts. Then we’ll go into a more in-depth discussion about the third statement which declares that mental disorders are properly viewed as genetic diseases.
Dr. Sigmund’s First Two Statements
First, Dr. Sigmund declares that “Without a mental disorder diagnosis, which I must place on the insurance form, I can’t see you.” This is pretty often true. In the United States, if you want to take advantage of your mental health insurance coverage, insurers require a mental disorder diagnosis [see HERE]. Some mental health service providers will see paying customers without the necessity of labeling if the customer pays the entire cost for the services. Paying for services that are not at least partly covered by insurance typically are too costly for the average Joe or Jill.
The second statement made by Dr. Sigmund is, “these are real disorders, based on sound science.” In my opinion, it is not sound science that came up with these types of labels, but rather, a business model that serves the pharmaceutical industry and psychiatry. Psychologists have gone along with the plan for practical reasons. Additionally, some actually are convinced that the labeling system is indeed based on principles of science. For a full critique of their position, see HERE.
In my view, the various conditions that get classified as mental disorders are more aptly construed as concerns about the following group of topics: behavior, emotion, mood, addictions, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, work, interpersonal relationships, intrapersonal relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situation. This group of concerns, for the purpose of accessing mental health services would, under my proposal, be called “mental health concerns.” The concerns, rather than a person, would be classified for insurance purposes. Emphasis would be made on the fact that individuality outruns any classification system.
The Third Statement by Dr. Sigmund
In the parable, Dr. Sigmund declares that “these disorders are properly viewed as genetic diseases.” Is this a fair statement? The simple answer is no. To reasonably arrive at this answer, we’ll have to spend some time going step by step through some basic ideas.
Dr. Sigmund provides two general statements as a defense for his declaration–“We have learned that these types of conditions run in families, and genetic research has even identified the actual genes that are involved.”
When psychologists say that a certain set of characteristics that is classifiable as a mental disorder runs in the family, it doesn’t mean that if someone in the family has that set of characteristics, everyone in the family will have the same set of characteristics. Even identical twins won’t always have the same set of these types of characteristics despite the fact that a pair of identical twins have the same set of genes.
What psychologists typically mean by saying a set of characteristics run in the family, is that there is evidence that there is an increased probability that if one member of the family has the set, other family members are more likely to also have that set. Should this type of evidence lead us to conclude that such a set indicates the presence of a genetic disease?
To understand why the answer is no, we have to first understand that all species have a great number of characteristics, and each of their characteristics vary to some extent between different members of their species. For example, human beings have a typical height, they can run at a typical speed, etc. The average height of male humans is about 5 feet, 9 inches. Some, men are, however, somewhat taller, others are somewhat shorter, and some are quite a bit taller or quite a bit shorter. Similarly, some men can run at the average speed for men, while others can run at various rates that are different from average.
If someone is above average in height, this does not mean he or she will be above average in running speed. Each of our numerous characteristics can be either within the average range, above average, or below, and because someone is below average in some set of characteristics does not mean that he or she will not have some characteristics that are average or even above average. And these differences are a great boom to the human race. If everyone was brilliant in academics and also had a strong genetic desire to be a professor at Ivy League universities, who would build the roads, drive our trucks, grow our crops, serve in law enforcement, cut our hair, tend to the sick, serve as fire fighters, staff stores, serve us in restaurants, etc.? People with different interests and talents enhance our own lives.
Now, clearly some human characteristics do run in the family. How tall you become is one such characteristic. Nevertheless, even if both of your parents are taller than average, you may still end up shorter than average.
If you do end up shorter than average this does not mean you have a genetic disease, even if we can demonstrate that taller people tend to have some advantages over people who are shorter. Saying that people who are shorter than average have a dysfunction would be stigmatizing while clouding the fact that we cannot determine a person’s overall functioning based on just one set of characteristics. Being shorter, when combined with the rest of a person’s characteristics, can lead to him or her being more useful in a variety of ways.
Let’s move on now from discussing a person’s height to a more complex set of characteristics–athletic performance. There is some evidence that athletic performance might be a set of characteristics that, to some degree, runs in the family. Deliberate practice seems to be a much greater predictor of skill in a particular sport, but let’s say for argument sake that at least to some extent there is indeed some inheritability to this set of characteristics. If a physical education teacher sees a child performing below average in athletic achievement, even if we are completely confident that this characteristic runs in the family, does this mean that this child has a genetic disease?
We could, if we wanted, label the child as having a “Muscle Deficit Disorder,” and claim that he or she rightfully has a genetic disease which is treatable with steroids. That would not, in my opinion, be in the child’s best interest. Admittedly that is just my value judgment. But I also contend that if we wanted to label the child as having a “Muscle Deficit Disorder,” that too would be a decision based on a value judgment, rather than one based on being consistent with principles of science.
Rather than pathologizing below average athletic skills, I’ve seen physical education teachers who encourage such children to participate in some after school programs that develop skills in sports that can be practiced non-competitively, such as running, bicycling, and golf. Some of these children take to such programs willingly and end up staying in fine physical shape the rest of their lives. If they don’t, they suffer the consequences and all of us end up paying higher health premiums because they are at an increased risk of getting sick. At the same time, their other sets of characteristics, when combined with their couch potato ways, may offer them and the rest of us some valued fruits.
Just because some people have a different group of genes that might increase the likelihood that a certain set of characteristics will be expressed does not mean these people have a disease. I know that some psychologists say, it is only the sets of characteristics that can be linked in some way to a “dysfunction” that are properly labeled as a disease. But the dysfunctional descriptor is so vague that it can be applied to the vast majority of people, and, perhaps, everyone.
Let’s say we can identify a set of genes that increase the chances that someone will enlist in the military. Now, let’s say we find that joining the military places these people at greater risk of harm, and even death. Would the finding of this type of connection require us to say that this means all who join the military have a dysfunction and therefore they also have a genetic disease? How about people who have become addicted to smoking, like old Dr. Sigmund? At one point, most Americans were smoking. Smoking can be labeled a dysfunctional characteristic. If it tends to run in the family, would that justify our declaring that all of this majority had a genetic disease?
How about becoming a psychiatrist? This may run in the family. If we find that becoming a psychiatrist increases the likelihood of committing suicide, which some data suggests, are all of them to be viewed as having a genetic disease, or would it be clearer, and more scientific, to say their set of characteristics is a “risk factor” for some negative outcome? I believe the latter is more scientific.
How about just being a male? Being a male increases the risk of violence. Or how about being a woman? Being a woman increases a person’s risk of becoming depressed, which psychopathologists are eager to tell us is a dysfunction. Don’t these facts pretty much indict us all with regards to having a genetic disease?
Now let’s turn to the statement that genetic research has identified the actual genes that are involved in mental disorders. I have read this research carefully and came away convinced that we are not even close to making this claim. Evaluating the research is complicated, but I’ll just make two simple points about this that can help readers to better understand this issue.
First of all, if Dr. Sigmund’s statement was true, mental disorders would be diagnosed by doing a test of one’s genes. This is not how mental disorder diagnoses are made. Instead, psychologists have a conversation with the person seeking mental health services.
Second, if genes determined whether or not someone had a particular set of characteristics that gets labeled a mental disorder, what happens to those genes when someone who was labeled as having a mental disorder recovers, which often occurs? Do the genes somehow float out of the person’s body, and rise up to heaven? Actually the genes in the body remain right where they were when the person was said to have a mental disorder.
As I read the research on this issue, it became plain to see that genes can be likened to the buds of a beautiful flower. If they meet up with the right soil, sunlight, water, and care, they typically blossom into something beautiful. But even with a great deal of wonderful nourishment, sometimes they get tangled up with some surrounding weeds. Stigmatizing labels don’t help in such situations. Instead, some wise gardening can make a beautiful difference.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
In an article titled “The Roots of Mental Illness,” the author, Kirsten Weir, tells us about Eric Kandel, MD, who believes that the experiences that doctors refer to as mental illnesses are brain diseases. Dr. Kandel defends his belief with the following statement: “All mental processes are brain processes, and therefore all disorders of mental functioning are biological diseases. The brain is the organ of the mind.”
The article also indicates that Dr. Kandel believes one important value of recognizing that these types of experiences are brain diseases is that it helps minimize the shame often associated with them. For example, Dr. Kandel is quoted as saying, “Schizophrenia is a disease like pneumonia. Seeing it as a brain disorder destigmatizes it immediately.”
Dr. Kandel’s credentials are pretty impressive–he’s a Nobel Prize laureate and professor of brain science at Columbia University. Therefore, if you are among those who believe a person’s credentials should determine who is right and who is wrong, you need not read any further. You must simply conclude that what is referred to as mental illnesses are indeed brain diseases because you would be hard pressed to find someone with better credentials disagreeing with Dr. Kandel.
However, if you are among those of us who believe that regardless of someone’s credentials, the reasonableness of the argument should sway your judgments, then I encourage you to read on. In brief, you will find that the phrase, “disorders of mental functioning” is way too vague for a science of disease, and that Dr. Kandel’s conclusion that seeing these types of experiences as brain diseases immediately destigmatizes it, is at the very least, questionable.
Are Disorders of Mental Functioning Properly Viewed as Brain Diseases?
Colony of pathogen bacterias
Physical pathologists, who are trained in the principles of science, determine if a pathological condition is present by looking for a set of objectively observable body conditions such as tumors, microbe infections, tissue tears, bone fractures, and blocked arteries. None of these have been identified by pathologists as causing the conditions typically labelled by psychiatrists as mental illnesses. If they were to find the physical pathology that causes any of the behavior patterns referred to as mental illnesses, that pattern would no longer be referred to as a mental illness. Instead, the pattern would be viewed as the symptoms of the physical pathology, and the disease would be referred to either as the type of pathology (tumor, microbe infection, etc.) or the name of the person who discovered the relationship between the behavior pattern and the physical pathology.
Dr. Kandel, when trying to make the case that mental illnesses are real brain diseases has, at times, cited articles that show some correlation of a brain difference with some of the concerns that lead to a mental illness label. But these correlations are far too weak to demonstrate they are causing these types of concerns. For example, people labeled as having schizophrenia have, on average, some larger brain ventricles. However, there are many people who have the same size ventricles, or even larger ones, who show no signs of schizophrenia. Moreover, numerous people who have smaller than average size ventricles are regularly classified as having schizophrenia. Thus, quite clearly, it is not the size of the ventricles that are causing the schizophrenic behavior pattern. It is for this reason that the size of one’s brain ventricles is not used to make the so called diagnosis of schizophrenia. Instead, doctors rely on a conversation with the designated patient to make these types of so called diagnoses.
Are such conversations properly viewed as objective criteria for determining a disease state and equivalent to observing the type of pathologies that physical pathologists look for in identifying a disease state? Numerous critics of psychiatry say no. They point to what highly credentialed doctors have, over the course of history, claimed are mental illnesses.
Dr. Samuel Cartwright
For example, in 1851 American physician Samuel A. Cartwright labelled black slaves who tried to flee captivity as having the mental illness of drapetomania. For people who hold the value judgment that the function of healthy blacks is to be slaves, then it certainly makes sense to say that blacks seeking to flee captivity were being dysfunctional.
Freud Practicing the Dysfunctional Habit of Smoking
If you are religious, many highly credentialed medical doctors, including Sigmund Freud, who, like Dr. Kandel, won a Nobel Prize, have claimed this meant you had a mental illness. People who are gay were declared as having a mental disease here in the US. In the former Soviet Union, if you were opposed to communism it warranted a mental illness label by their psychiatrists. In each of these societies, a case was made that the behavior pattern labelled as a mental illness was dysfunctional.
The argument that such labeling practices are not scientific, but, rather, value judgments, was intelligently made by William James when he defended the religious sentiment. He explained that pathologizing these sentiments as mental diseases was superficial medical talk. He called the reasoning doctors used to declare religious beliefs a type of mental illness, “medical materialism.”
Medical materialism seems indeed a good appellation for the too simple-minded system of thought which we are considering. Medical materialism finishes up Saint Paul by calling his vision on the road to Damascus a discharging lesion of the occipital cortex, he being an epileptic.
Woman of Religious Faith
It snuffs out Saint Teresa as an hysteric, Saint Francis of Assisi as an hereditary degenerate. George Fox’s discontent with the shams of his age, and his pining for spiritual veracity, it treats as a symptom of a disordered colon. Carlyle’s organ-tones of misery it accounts for by a gastro-duodenal catarrh. All such mental overtensions, it says, are, when you come to the bottom of the matter, mere affairs of diathesis (auto-intoxications most probably), due to the perverted action of various glands which physiology will yet discover.
James goes on from here to point out that it is true, of course, that psychology has found that there are definite psychophysical connections that “hold good.” Psychology, therefore:
assumes as a convenient hypothesis that the dependence of mental states on bodily conditions must be thoroughgoing and complete. If we adopt the assumption, then of course what medical materialism insists on must be true in a general way, if not every detail…. But now, I ask you, how can such an existential account of facts of mental history decide in one way or another on their spiritual significance? According to the general postulate of psychology just referred to, there is not a single one of our states of mind, high or low, healthy or morbid, that has not some organic process as its condition. Scientific theories are organically conditioned just as much as religious emotions are; and if we only knew the facts intimatelyenough, we should doubtless see “the liver” determining the dicta of the sturdy atheist as decisively as it does those of the Methodist under conviction anxious about his soul. When it alters one way the blood that percolates it, we get the Methodist, when in another way, we get the atheist form of mind. So of all our raptures and our drynesses, our longings and pantings, our questions and beliefs. They are equally organically founded, be they religious or of non-religious content.
James points out that in the natural sciences it never occurs to anyone to refute opinions by putting down their authors’ neurological constitutions. Value is determined by “judgments based on our own immediate feelings primarily; and secondarily on what we can ascertain of their experiential relations to our moral needs and to the rest of what we hold as true.”
All states of mind are related in extremely complex ways to neural functions. There is a crucial distinction to be made between a brain difference and a brain pathology. The significance of each state of mind must be tested, not by some neurological difference, but by the value of its fruits. When the term “pathological” is applied to an experience, rather than an identified physiological pathology, it wrongly implies a neutral science classification.
In my view, what William James says about the religious sentiment and disease states hold just as true for people who are currently declared as having a mental illness by Dr. Kandel and many other doctors. They declare, in a very subjective manner, patterns of behavior are due to a brain disease without objective proof that there is a physical pathological condition causing the pattern. They don’t make a distinction between a brain difference and a brain disease. And they don’t deal effectively with the fact that there are numerous people who display patterns that have been viewed by the psychopathologizing doctors who have brought forth some of the greatest fruits known to the human race.
Calling Mental Illness a Brain Disease: Does It Stop Stigma?
In the above Aldous Huxley quote, apparently it was his opinion that all the normal people in our society are dysfunctional, and thus psychiatry might want to declare all normal people as having a brain disease. I wonder if all normal people might feel less stigmatized upon hearing about this pathologizing of their experiences. Hmmm.
Anyway, if you will, let us turn to Dr. Kandel’s declaration that by getting people to see that mental illnesses are brain diseases it destigmatizes them immediately. He offered no scientific evidence for this. When we actually look at the evidence bearing on his statement, we get a very different impression.
Lincoln, sufferer of depression
Very modest evidence exists indicating people who have become convinced that mental illnesses are brain diseases are somewhat less likely to blame labeled persons for their behavior. However, at the same time, overall stigma actually increases. Biological explanations, for many, imply that people with mental illness are fundamentally different or less human.
Research has also shown, that disease explanations for mental illness provoked harsher behavior toward labeled persons. It is worthwhile keeping in mind that in the not-so-distant past, biological and genetic explanations for stigmatized conditions were linked to a range of harsh policies, including marriage restrictions, sterilization, lobotomies, and even extermination.
Painter who has been said to suffer from mental illness
The biological explanation may also exacerbate yet another key stereotype of mental illness, the belief that people with mental illness are dangerous. Many researchers believe that the stereotype that people with mental illness are violent ranks among the most prejudicial and discriminating of attitudes. Unfortunately, there is evidence that biological arguments may actually strengthen dangerousness stereotypes, suggesting that people with mental illness have no control over their behavior and therefore are unpredictable and violent.
In contrast to biological arguments, psychosocial explanations of mental health concerns have been found to effectively improve images of people who are now being labeled as having a mental illness. It also appears to reduce fear.
Instead of arguing that mental illness is like any other medical illness, psychosocial explanations of mental health concerns focus on environmental stressors and trauma as causal factors. These may include childhood abuse, poverty, and job stress. The idea is to reframe mental health concerns as understandable reactions to life events.
Conclusion
Socrates heard voices in his head that he referred to as guiding demons and was condemned to death by society leaders.
The mental health concerns that most modern day doctors refer to as mental illnesses, have not been shown to be caused by a physiological pathological condition. There are undoubtedly some brain differences that have been correlated with a few types of concerns, but it is way too simplistic to say that such differences are the cause of any of these concerns. It is very possible that environmental and cultural factors may lead to the observed correlations. Despite the fact that a person might be said by some that he or she is functioning below average in some ways under some societal situation, numerous examples can be easily provided that people labeled mentally ill have often produced valued fruits in the fields of science, arts, and philosophy. Finally, labeling someone experiencing a mental health concern as having a brain disease does not automatically decrease stigma, and could actually increase it.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
Today, I want to consider if the American Psychological Association’s participation in the mental disorder labelling practices promoted by the the American Psychiatric Association is due to something other than science and promoting human welfare?
The American Psychological Association’s Emphasis on Science and Human Welfare
First of all, I should note that I am a member of the American Psychological Association, and have been so for over forty years. Nevertheless, there is one particular aspect of the association that is deeply troubling to me.
Its very first sentence of the home page of its website states that it is “the leading scientific and professional organization representing psychology in the United States.” Shortly after this, it mentions, as well, that it has a mission to “promote human welfare.”
Keeping the profession as scientific as possible and promoting human welfare is something I very much support. Moreover, there are some things the association has been doing over the years that are consistent with these values, and therefore I have continued my membership. However, it greatly frustrates me that most psychologists providing mental health services are required to “diagnose” a person seeking mental health services with an approach supported and promulgated by the psychiatrist’s organization. This so called diagnosis then must be placed on the patient/client insurance form.
As part of the psychological organization’s strong interest in science, pretty much anyone entering its approved doctoral psychology program is required to study the ideas of Thomas Kuhn’s thesis on The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Such revolutions, we learned, come about after a period of time when a field presupposes a conceptual and instrumental framework accepted without question. Then, more and more, members of the community begin to see a buildup of anomalies in the framework until a “crisis” which can no longer be resolved within the pre-established framework.
It just so happens that the psychiatrist’s stigmatizing diagnostic system, which is described in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fifth Edition (DSM-5), has huge anomalies that have been recognized for years, and despite this, psychologists continue to utilize it without taking substantive steps to create a more scientific alternative. Let’s take a quick look at these anomalies. Afterwards, we’ll look at the benefits to psychologists that may be motivating it to continue to go along with the DSM-5 approach despite its major scientific weaknesses.
The Scientific Shortcomings of the DSM-5
Science demands objective definitions, but the DSM-5 approach relies on the completely subjective definition of a mental disorder. Its definition of a mental disorder is, in large part, and I quote, “a syndrome characterized by a clinically significant disturbance in an individual.” Now, I ask you, what can be more subjective than this?
The process described in the DSM-5 for assessing the subjective notions of “disturbance” in the individual is left to the clinician who decides if these are “clinically significant.” Thus, it provides clinicians an opportunity to include anything that benefits their set of values.
Now we all know that many clinicians have a financial interest in deciding whether or not their clients have a clinically significant condition. When they judge that their clients’ conditions are significant, they indicate this on the third party intake forms and this allows them to continue to see these clients and to get paid for additional visits. On the other hand, clinicians who work in an underfunded community government clinic that is being swamped by those seeking to access mental health services might apply a more stringent standard for what constitutes a mental disorder. Thus, the DSM-5 approach to the definition of a mental disorder obviously leaves room for enormous bias by clinicians, rather than anything that looks objective and free from bias.
All psychologists are taught that if a hypothetical construct, such as a mental disorder, is to have any validity, it must first demonstrate that it can be reliably identified. Upon reading the DSM-5, we find that there is no documentation that people, whether they are clinicians or not, can reliably distinguish between those who have mental disorders and those who do not have mental disorders. Thus, the lack of this documentation is analogous to a classification system of birds that has no documentation that people can reliably distinguish birds from non-birds.
With regards to reliably distinguishing between the different types of mental disorders, some field trials did look at this. Keep in mind that the DSM-5 defines over 300 different mental disorders. Approximately 270 of them were not tested at all for reliability but are nevertheless included in the DSM-5. The field trials tried to look at the reliability for thirty-one “disorders” included in the DSM-5, probably selected because these were ones that its developers thought would be most likely to make the DSM-5 look as good as possible. The results indicate that eight disorders had to be dropped altogether from the analysis because the researchers were unable to get enough data to support any analysis at all. Three others had reliability estimates that, according to the authors, fell in the “unacceptable range.” Six others had reliability estimates that fell in the “questionable range.” The remaining fourteen mental disorders had, according to the authors, “good to very good” reliability, despite the fact that there are no generally accepted standards for what counts as reliable enough against which the DSM-5 criteria can be judged. Among the “disorders” that were found to have very low reliability were “major depressive disorder” and “generalized anxiety disorder,” two of the most common “diagnoses.”
As I already mentioned, a classification system for a hypothetical construct must first demonstrate it is reliable. Then we look at the “validity” of the system. Upon examining the validity of the DSM, Thomas Insel, a recent NIMH director, stated:
The weakness [of the DSM] is its lack of validity. Unlike our definitions of ischemic heart disease, lymphoma, or AIDS, the DSM diagnoses are based on a consensus about clusters of clinical symptoms, not any objective laboratory measure. In the rest of medicine, this would be equivalent to creating diagnostic systems based on the nature of chest pain or the quality of fever. Indeed, symptom-based diagnosis, once common in other areas of medicine, has been largely replaced in the past half-century, as we have understood that symptoms alone rarely indicate the best choice of treatment.
In addition to the DSM’s shortcomings with regards to its classification system’s reliability and validity, there are also serious shortcomings with regards to its claim of being a diagnostic system. A diagnostic system speaks to etiology, that is, the cause, set of causes, or manner of causation of a disease or condition. But the DSM-5 specifically states that it is not designed to identify the cause of the various “disorders” it classifies. Then why use the term “diagnosis” rather than the more scientifically defensible term, “classification?” As we will see, this gets us back to our larger question, why does the psychologist organization accept the use of the DSM-5 given its problematic record of reliability and validity, as well as its use of the word “diagnosis” in a misleading, imprecise manner?
Why Does the American Psychological Association Continue to Go Along with the Use of the DSM-5?
In answering this question, in the interest of fairness to the psychologist organization, it is crucial to point out that it has not, to my knowledge, interfered with discussions about this issue. In fact, it has even, on occasion, supported these discussions. For example, in 2002, it published a book titled, Rethinking the DSM: A Psychological Perspective. There we find well researched critiques of the DSM approach, and some preliminary alternatives proposed. Moreover, symposium proposals on this issue are oftentimes accepted for presentations at its national convention. (See HERE for a description of one well thought out research based alternative that was presented at its 2016 and 2017 conventions and was later published in a peer reviewed journal).
But despite these publications, discussions, and proposals, nothing has been done by the association to bring anything of substance to fruition. It certainly has the resources to commission the development of a far more scientific approach, but it has never done so. How come? Here’s one theory.
A well recognized usefulness of the DSM-5 is that by using its medical sounding terms to refer to all of the experiences that this approach classifies as “mental disorders” it legitimizes in the minds of many the prescribing of drugs for these experiences.
There is an enormous amount of money being made from this approach because it takes less than a penny to manufacture each pill, and yet each pill can be sold for hundreds of times that amount. This is a rather unique business situation. Typically, if a company can sell its products or services for a 10 percent profit it is doing super well. Compared to such companies, the pharmaceutical companies are Jonathan Swift’s Brobdingnag Giants. With so much money being generated from this enterprise, the drug companies have managed to make it clear to powerful groups that what benefits the drug companies also benefits them. Examples are, major media outlets gain enormous revenues from drug company advertisements, and political campaigns get substantial support from industry lobby groups. Whenever a university wants to build a new building, often a pharmaceutical company offers financial support, and a number of professorship positions would not exist without its support.
Now keep in mind that the psychiatric association membership consists largely of psychiatrists who make their living by prescribing these drugs. Moreover, there are several reports indicating that the majority of the major players who developed the DSM-5 were on the payroll of the pharmaceutical industry. So, it makes sense to theorize that the psychiatric organization may very well be influenced by all of this wealth. But what about the psychological association?
Psychologists have a division called “Psychopharmacology and Substance Abuse” which depends, to a large extent, on grants provided by drug companies. Many psychologists get referrals from psychiatrists. More and more psychologists are getting the right to prescribe psychiatric drugs. And, as I already mentioned, the drug companies have powerful lobbyists working to influence government decisions about mental health practices.
Because of these influencing factors, the American Psychological Association, it appears to me, has turned a blind eye to its stated mission to be scientific and a promoter of human welfare.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can clickHERE.
Last year at the American Psychological Association Convention, I presented a paper on a proposal for an alternative to the current psychiatric diagnosis system, which can be read HERE. It provoked supportive comments, suggestions for making some improvements, and an invitation to write up my approach for an article in the Journal of Humanistic Psychology.
Now I have been invited to present an update to my proposal at this year’s APA convention in Denver. My remarks will be part of a three hour symposium titled, “The Future of Diagnosis: Ethics, Social Justice, and Alternative Paradigms.”
I am currently in the midst of preparing the final touches on my presentation. As I do so, I’m hoping to get some feedback from my blog readers. To that end, below you will find a summary of what I plan to say. Please look it over, and I’m inviting all of you to let me know what you think about it. Feel free to raise questions, to present as much negative criticism as you wish, and of course positive comments are also welcomed.
Title of 2016 APA Convention Paper: The CSM:A Person-Centered, Culturally Sensitive, Recovery-Oriented Alternative to the DSM and ICD
Presenter: Jeffrey Rubin, PhD
Paper Summary
The Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns (CSM) is a proposed alternative to the American Psychiatric Association’s DSM and the mental disorders section of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD). Both the DSM and ICD seek to legitimize the privileging of the “expert” by having the clinician making a mental disorder diagnosis. It is argued that that perspective hinders the empowering of mental health service users. The CSM, in contrast, would respect the perspective of persons seeking services by beginning with the following statement: “The developers of the CSM fully recognize that persons seeking mental health services have far more expertise about what is going on in their lives than any mental health service provider. Moreover, individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider.” A mental health concern, as defined in this proposal, occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, addiction, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situation. In addition to classifying mental health concerns, the CSM would describe a collaborative approach between the person expressing the concern and the mental health service provider for creating a psychological formulation narrative that eschews the DSM and ICD psychopathologizing jargon. It is argued that when compared to the DSM and ICD, the use of the CSM would be less stigmatizing, as well as more scientific, person-centered, culturally sensitive and recovery-oriented.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional and social intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
In 1961 psychiatrist Thomas Szasz published an article in the American Psychologist titled, “The Myth of Mental Illness.” There he proposed that the set of experiences, behaviors, and thoughts viewed as “mental illness” are more aptly construed as “problems in living.”
The following year, Dr Szasz published a best selling book by the same name. Some loved it while others writhed in anger. One reviewer, for example, gave it five stars out of five, and wrote:
Incredibly eye opening book. Shows how “mental illnesses” are not illnesses at all. Mental illness is best viewed as a metaphor. This isn’t to say that what we normally refer to as “mental illness” doesn’t exist, clearly these many psychological experiences do exist…but they are not genuine illnesses and when they are assumed to be this can lead to profound misunderstanding.
In contrast, another reviewer wrote:
Here is my curse on you, Thomas: May you suffer ten minutes of acute clinical depression. Ten minutes in that “over-heated room”, that “bell-jar”, that “bed of nails” which we sufferers know oh too well.
Why were there such strong reactions to a proposal for describing something in a new way? I began to get some understanding of this when I recently began to advocate that the phrase “mental health concerns” is a more apt alternative for referring to the patterns now referred to as either mental illnesses or mental disorders.
More specifically, my proposal, which was published in a peer reviewed journal (see HERE) calls for the development of a scientifically defensible classification system that would be called, “The Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns,” or, for short, the CSM. With this alternative, people who have mental health service insurance coverage would be given a choice–they could access this service either by going to a mental health service provider who requires that they be labeled as having a mental disorder (which is currently their only option), or they could choose to go to one that would only label their expressed mental health concerns. Like Dr. Szasz’s proposal, mine, too, has been met with enthusiastic support from some, while others have angrily called me a mental illness denier and dangerous.
I was initially puzzled about the anger that appears to come from many who genuinely believe, and demand others believe as well, that without any doubt mental illness is an illness like any other illness. My puzzlement stemmed from my experience that oftentimes when someone proposes a different way to describe something, it doesn’t create great uproars. The proposal is either met with feelings that the new way to describe something is either helpful, or not.
After much thought and discussions with others, I now see that this mental illness conflict is not purely about how to describe what is now typically called mental illness. Rather, it is about the feared consequences that may flow from any new way to describe this set of phenomenon.
To help others to see this clearly, today I’ll present a William James anecdote illustrating why definitional issues often don’t lead to conflict, but rather clearer understandings. Then I’ll seek to explain the unique resistance to questioning whether or not the patterns now called mental illnesses are best construed as illnesses.
A Definitional Issue Anecdote
William James, in his book, Pragmatism, tells us the following story.
One day the good professor, being with a camping party in the mountains, returned from a solitary ramble, and found everyone engaged in a dispute about a squirrel. The squirrel is clinging to a tree trunk trying to hide from a person by moving to the opposite side of the tree where the man is looking.
This human witness tries to get sight of the squirrel by moving rapidly round the tree, but no matter how fast he goes, the squirrel moves as fast in the opposite direction, and always keeps the tree between himself and the man, so that never a glimpse of him is caught. (p. 43)
So, given this set of agreed upon facts, the dispute was about this: Does the man go round the squirrel or not? Apparently everyone agreed that the man does go around the tree, and the squirrel is on the tree; but does he go round the squirrel?
Half the participants involved in the dispute felt the man did go round the squirrel, and half disagreed. Upon returning to the campsite, each side appealed to William James to help explain who was right.
“Which party is right,” I said, “depends on what you practically mean by ‘going round’ the squirrel. If you mean passing from north of him to the east, then to the south, then to the west, and then to the north again, obviously the man does go round him, for he occupies these successive positions. But if on the contrary you mean being first in front of him, then on the right of him, then behind him, then on his left, and finally in front again, it is quite obvious that the man fails to go round him, for by the compensating movement the squirrel makes, he keeps his belly turned towards the man all the time, and his back turned away. (p. 44)
Once James simply explained to those involved in the dispute that there are these two different ways to define the verb “to go round” the majority appeared to think that the distinction settled the dispute. One or two who had strongly taken a different position before James showed up, mumbled an objection to his argument, stating the decision really should be made based just on plain honest English, but this soon passed.
I tell this anecdote because it clearly illustrates that when someone describes a new way to look at a phenomenon, it has the potential to clarify the nature of the phenomenon. Disagreements that had sprung up because of vague descriptions may have gone on and on with no progress in sight. Once the process of comparing and contrasting two or more descriptive approaches gets underway, it can lead to an understanding of just how vague some of the descriptions were, and they can be abandoned for more precise descriptions. Of course, the new description may also be so terribly vague as well, and nothing positive occurs. In such cases, a little time was wasted, and people get on with their lives without furious reactions.
So, with this in mind, why do people so angrily resist even considering an alternative to describing the set of phenomenon now referred to as mental illness? In the next section, I’ll try to provide some answers.
The Three Major Consequences that People Fear Might Flow from a Change in Descriptive Terms
Let me begin here by asking you to note that in the squirrel anecdote, those who discussed whether or not the squirrel went around the tree were not going to lose their job, money, freedom, or any other highly significant valued thing depending on who ended up being proved correct. Once everyone declared their positions, each might have had a little sense of prestige that might be derived if they could convince others that they came up with the most respected answer. But for people who like to discuss issues, learning from the discussion is typically the most important reward for them, and they can well handle their emotions that come from having taken a position that ends up being faulty.
How about the issue of whether or not mental illness is, or is not, really an illness? From my discussions with supporters of the mental illness descriptor, I theorize that they fear three major consequences of any change.
Diminished Profits of the Pharmaceutical Industry and Prescribing Physicians
The pharmaceutical companies make billions of dollars convincing people that their experiences are illnesses like any other illnesses. Thus, they claim that taking a pill to manage their illness is not any different than taking insulin for diabetes. Psychiatrists and other doctors who prescribe these drugs have an enormous financial interest in keeping this position unchallenged.
For me, I find this sales pitch unconvincing. The facts are that there are numerous examples of people who could have easily been classified as having a mental illness who come to a state of enormous improvement either through a religious experience, a philosophy such as Buddhism, a delightful romantic love, an exciting new job, a support group such as AA, counseling, etc., You don’t see diabetes being “cured” by changes in relationships, work settings, religious beliefs, and thinking patterns. The fear of those invested in pharmaceutical company profits and the prescribing of their pills leads to great resistance to any descriptive changes that are not in line with the illness approach.
The Risk of Losing Access to Services
The second consequence that I think people fear is that people who now have access to mental health services might lose them if people stop thinking that the patterns now viewed as real illnesses are really not illnesses. Dr. Szasz’s “problems in living” alternative and my “mental health concerns” approach, they fear, will trivialize these experiences.
Some argue that if everyone could go to a mental health professional merely to have their concerns addressed, then the system would soon be overloaded with clients, and insurance policy costs would soar. Because insurance companies only cover people with more serious conditions known as mental disorders, so the argument goes, this limits the number of people who can get to see a mental health professional. However, I believe that third-party-payer executives would readily come to understand, with a little explaining, that mental health service providers now using the current mental illness approach do not turn anyone away who has mental health insurance coverage and comes to their office expressing what my approach refers to as a mental health concern. Professionals are in the business of increasing their clients. The current relevant definitions are so vague that with little imagination, anyone can be “diagnosed” as having a mental illness.
Fears About Blame
Finally, many people believe that the mental illness conceptualization absolves them of any blame for certain actions. For example, many parents believe they were unfairly blamed for the serious actions that their children began to display. They think that by saying that their children have an illness they are no longer blamed, or at least shouldn’t be blamed.
Similarly, people who seriously hurt others while drinking alcohol or in some furious fit might be blamed for their actions. Thinking that they have an illness, somehow makes them blameless.
In my view, not everyone who hears that their conduct is due to an illness suddenly feels relief from any guilt that they may be feeling. There is a process that one must undergo to learn how to effectively handle guilt feelings and this can occur at least as well with a mental health concern approach as with an illness approach.
This process involves learning that there is a dramatic difference between taking some responsibility for what has occurred and blaming oneself for what has occurred. Blame suggest that you should be punished for your actions. Taking some responsibility for your actions allows one to realize that there may indeed be some very strong conditions that are out of your control regardless of whether or not you have an illness. Blaming yourself for these is not helpful, but allowing yourself to experience deeply the dissatisfied feelings about whatever control you do have can spur you to make valued changes.
Giving people the opportunity to choose a mental health concern approach rather than an illness approach does not necessarily mean that people will be blamed any more or less for certain actions. The competition between these two models can improve outcomes for both approaches.
Conclusion
Okay, so those are the three feared consequences that I have come to believe ignite anger whenever there is a discussion about conceptualizing the set of concerns now called mental illnesses. In my view, “mental health concerns” are a more apt way to conceptualize these concerns than “illnesses.” However, I fully support that for those who prefer the illness approach, that they be free to access services using that model. At the same time, I believe that ending the monopoly of the illness approach could very well stir up some valuable competition that will improve services for all.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
“Good morning, Barbara,” I say, as my first counseling case walks into my office. I notice she looks a little angry. Upon sitting down, she declares, “I’m terribly frustrated. I’ve been depressed now for over two weeks, and I just can’t shake it!”
It’s easy for me to empathize because I regularly have bouts of what I refer to as melancholy. A deep anguish comes over me, and during this period I often begin to think about how I went through my father’s death when I was twelve, how I’m getting older and can no longer do the many athletic things that thrilled me when I was younger, and on and on. Sometimes these dark melancholy experiences come about because something clearly happened that upset me, and sometimes they seem to come out of the blue.
Beyond Listening in a Caring Manner
After listening in a caring way to Barbara for a few minutes, I ask her if something specifically happened that led her into her current emotional experience. Then I explore with her a question about how often she has these experiences and if she feels she has them more frequently than most people, about as often as most, or less than most. Then, I ask her about how she has been functioning in other areas of her life–sleep, eating, exercise, interpersonal relationships, work/school, household responsibilities.
You see, as people experience depression, or other concerns that often lead to a classification of having a mental disorder, some people go about their lives functioning as they typically were doing before the concern arose, while some find that in some areas they begin to function below the levels that are typical for them, while some find that their functioning increases in one or more areas. For example, some sleep about the same amount, some less, and some more. I have met people who, when they are depressed, start cleaning every inch of their home, while others find it difficult to get out of bed.
Also of interest when exploring a person’s expressed concern is to look at how the person had been functioning before the onset of the presenting concern. If some important relationships had begun to function below average, or if the person had been sleeping less than average to keep up with work demands, these facts can be insightful when seeking ways to address the presenting concern.
Now, once I found out what Barbara was concerned about, what might have precipitated the concern, and how she had been functioning in various areas of her life, I had a pretty good idea as to how to proceed in addressing her concern. I had no need to decide whether or not she had a mental disorder. However, many mental health practitioners are required to declare that the person seeking mental health services has a mental disorder if they want to get paid. Is this mental illness labeling really necessary?
Mental Illness Labeling Versus an Addressing Concern Approach
There are those who embrace this mental illness/disorder labeling. One reason is the pharmaceutical industry’s promotion of this idea to sell people on the idea that they need certain drugs to live a more normal, healthier life.
Beyond that, another major reason for this is that these individuals have a group of people in their lives that blame them for the way that they have been feeling or acting. When a doctor has declared, for example, that John Smith has a mental disorder, he may feel vindicated. “You see, there really is something wrong with me!” he may cry out in his defense.
In actuality, those who are doing the blaming may continue their blaming despite the doctor’s opinion. Moreover, many of us don’t blame people whenever they find some concern has arisen in their lives even if they are going through a non-illness experience. I know I’m not blaming myself when I experience melancholy, and I was not at all blaming Barbara for what she was going through.
Those who are uncomfortable about the use of “mental illness” terminology point out they are stigmatizing because they are used as put downs in our society. Moreover, the media associates the most heinous crimes with those referred to as the mentally ill even though the vast majority of those classified in this manner are not violent.
Among the most articulate individuals to voice objections to the mental disorder labeling was Harvard psychologist and philosopher William James. Over one hundred years ago he wrote a book titled, The Varieties of Religious Experience (1902). At that time many medical doctors argued that people who were religious were all mentally ill. In response, Professor James wrote:
Medical materialism seems indeed a good appellation for the too simple-mindedsystem of thought which we are considering. Medical materialism finishesup Saint Paul by calling his vision on the road to Damascus a discharginglesion of the occipital cortex, he being an epileptic.
Girl (6-8) praying, profile, close-up
It snuffs out Saint Teresa as an hysteric, Saint Francis of Assisi as an hereditary degenerate.George Fox’s discontent with the shams of his age, and his pining for spiritualveracity, it treats as a symptom of a disordered colon. Carlyle’s organ-tonesof misery it accounts for by a gastro-duodenal catarrh. All such mentalovertensions, it says, are, when you come to the bottom of the matter,mere affairs of diathesis (auto-intoxications most probably), due to theperverted action of various glands which physiology will yet discover.(p. 29)
James goes on from here to point out that it is true, of course, that psychology has found that there are definite psycho-physical connections that “hold good” (p. 30). Psychology, therefore:
assumes as a convenient hypothesis that the dependence of mental stateson bodily conditions must be thoroughgoing and complete. If we adopt theassumption, then of course what medical materialism insists on must betrue in a general way, if not every detail…. But now, I ask you, howcan such an existential account of facts of mental history decide in oneway or another on their spiritual significance? According to the generalpostulate of psychology just referred to, there is not a single one ofour states of mind, high or low, healthy or morbid, that has not some organic process as its condition. Scientific theories are organically conditionedjust as much as religious emotions are; and if we only knew the facts intimatelyenough, we should doubtless see “the liver” determining the dicta of thesturdy atheist as decisively as it does those of the Methodist under convictionanxious about his soul. When it alters one way the blood that percolatesit, we get the Methodist, when in another way, we get the atheist formof mind. So of all our raptures and our drynesses, our longings and pantings,our questions and beliefs. They are equally organically founded, be theyreligious or of non-religious content. (p. 30)
James points out that in the natural sciences and the arts it never occurs to anyone to refute opinions, beliefs and experiences by putting down their author’s neurological constitution. Value is determined by “judgments based on our own immediate feelings primarily; and secondarily on what we can ascertain of their experiential relations to our moral needs and to the rest of what we hold as true” (p. 33).
James was additionally concerned that medical materialism greatly overgeneralizes its knowledge of the connections between physiological variables and mind states. In James’s day, the pathology writers would take the few psychophysical correlations that they obtained under highly specialized conditions and then vaguely generalize their findings to discredit, to their satisfaction, all of the states of mind that they disliked.
The Modern Day View
Now, modern day psychiatrists sometimes respond,
“Well, certainly in James’s day we indeed knew almost nothing about such matters, but today our knowledge has vastly increased! Thus, James’s position is no longervalid because we can now make sound statements about the connections betweenphysiological states and mind states.”
To this, I respond that in point of fact there is currently a renewed respect for the extraordinary complexity
that exists during the integration process between mind, physiology, behavior, and environmental variables. Whereas it is true that there have been large gains in our knowledge, these gains are best likened to moving from a few drops of knowledge to a glass almost full; yet, to really understand the integration process, we would need oceans and oceans of knowledge. Trillions and trillions of interactions are involved.
It is for these reasons that the mental illness/disorder terminology is misleading. As Dr. Thomas Insel, the former director of the National Institute of Mental Health, recently said about the psychiatric labeling process known as the DSM.
The weakness [of the DSM] is its lack of validity. Unlike our definitions of ischemic heart disease, lymphoma, or AIDS, the DSM diagnoses are based on a consensus about clusters of clinical symptoms, not any objective laboratory measure. In the rest of medicine, this would be equivalent to creating diagnostic systems based on the nature of chest pain or the quality of fever. Indeed, symptom-based diagnosis, once common in other areas of medicine, has been largely replaced in the past half-century as we have understood that symptoms alone rarely indicate the best choice of treatment.
To hear and view other leading scientists further make this point, I highly recommend the following free video:
When individuals express a concern, exploring how they are functioning in the main areas of their life can be enormously helpful. Someone who reports a concern about experiencing depression, whom, by some gentle questioning, we find out has been functioning below average in the areas of sleep, interpersonal relationships, and exercise may benefit enormously if we work together on getting these areas of functioning in a more optimal range. This is true for those who report other types of concerns such as experiencing anxiety, hearing voices, below average range of attention, obsessive thoughts, and on and on. With a model that includes addressing concerns and exploring ways to improve functioning, labeling someone as having a mental disorder becomes unnecessary and may actually interfere with the aims of a counseling/psychotheraputic relationship.
For those who desire, for whatever reason, to be labeled as having a mental disorder, I am not proposing that we interfere with this. But for those who desire to have their concerns addressed by well trained mental health professionals without being referred to as having a mental illness or disorder, I do propose that we do provide a reasonable option for them to access mental health services. In my view, mental health professionals, once we hear our clients’ concerns and how they are functioning in the various areas of their lives, we have the basics to formulate, in full cooperation with our clients, a plan for addressing these concerns. I hope you give this some thought.
For those of you who would like to learn more about how an addressing concern approach would work and be consistent with science if adopted by mental health providers, you can access my peer reviewed article for free by clicking HERE.
Until next week, may you find some kindness out there in this fascinating world of ours.
My Best,
Jeff
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.
On August 8, 2015, I spoke at the American Psychological Association’s annual convention that was held in Toronto, Canada. My speech was part of a two hour symposium titled: “Beyond the DSM–Current Trends in Devising New Diagnostic Alternatives.” The DSM’s letters stand for the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. It is currently used by most mental health professionals to classify people seeking mental health services.
When the latest version of this manual came out, it was widely criticized. Consequently, a group of psychologists began to work together to think about possible alternatives. Several members of that group spoke at this symposium.
My Speech
Of late, I have been discussing today’s symposium theme with quite a few people. I have found that supporters of the DSM say that it is a classification system that has been helpful because it provides a common language for mental health professionals to communicate about those utilizing their services; its various diagnostic terms, such as Major Depressive Disorder, Anxiety Disorder, etc., are short phrases that are convenient for placing them into article titles, book titles, and search engines to retrieve valued relevant information; third party payers of mental health services have found that the DSM coding system works well as part of a practical method for their record keeping; with the aid of these codes, people do manage to access mental health services, mental health service providers do manage to get paid, and for-profit health companies do tend to make a profit.
So, from my discussions, those are the basic reasons supporters of the DSM say that it is useful. Actually, there is another usefulness of the DSM that, interestingly, I never hear supporters of the DSM mention, and yet critics of the DSM often mention. That usefulness is this: by using medical sounding terms to refer to all of the experiences that the DSM classifies as “mental disorders” it legitimizes in the minds of many the prescribing of drugs for these experiences.
There is an enormous amount of money being made from this approach because it takes less than a penny to manufacture each pill, and it can be sold for more than one thousand times that amount. With so much money being generated from this enterprise, the drug companies have managed to make it clear to powerful groups that what benefits the drug companies also benefits them. Examples are, major media outlets gain enormous revenues from drug company advertisements, and political campaigns get substantial support from the industry.
So this benefit is in a sense the elephant in the room. I fully see it, but nevertheless, I want to move it off to the side of the room for now, and ask you all to briefly ignore it. After I complete my main ideas, I’ll return to the elephant in my concluding remarks.
Keeping in mind just the usefulness of the DSM that its supporters tend to mention, it seems to me that if we are to have any hope that an alternative to the DSM might be widely adopted, we would have to be able to make an excellent case that the alternative would be just as helpful while, at the same time, have significantly less shortcomings.
What are these shortcomings? Well, in brief, critics of the DSM have expressed concerns that it tends to be stigmatizing to mental health service users; the DSM also simplistically devalues all of the experiences that it classifies as mental disorders despite the fact that there are a great number of people who have testified that having gone through these very types of experiences it brought forth valued fruits.
Leo Tolstoy
For example, Leo Tolstoy reported in his biography, My Confession, that by going through a period of suicidal depression, it led to one valued insight after another.
Joni Mitchell
As another example, the fine song writer, Joni Mitchell apparently went through, during her life, a number of very challenging emotional experiences that first received the full DSM psychopathologizing treatment. In time, her perspective changed, and at one point she expressed her new perspective in a song titled, “Hejira.” She wrote, “There’s comfort in melancholy where there is no need to explain, it’s just as natural as the weather in this moody sky today.” Thus, for many, the framing of their experiences as mental disorders dramatically misses the mark; critics of the DSM also point out that it violates basic principles of science because of its vaguely defined constructs and thus low inter-rater reliability; the DSM also violates basic principles of humanistic psychology; and within the mental health field the DSM is a monopoly, with all of the drawbacks associated with such an organizational situation.
So, those are, in brief, the DSM shortcomings. Keeping them in mind along with its perceived benefits, is it possible to come up with an alternative that indeed does achieve all of the benefits that the DSM supporters claim for it, while, at the same time, has far fewer shortcomings? Well, for your consideration, I offer you the Classification and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Concerns, or, for short, the CSM. Not the DSM, but the CSM! Let’s look at what each chapter would contain.
Chapter 1
The first chapter would begin by stating that the developers of the CSM fully recognize that individuality outruns any classification system. It is for this reason that the CSM does not seek to classify anyone. Instead, it classifies the expressed concerns of individuals seeking to have their concerns addressed by a mental health service provider.
This first chapter would go on from here to explain that the CSM begins from the perspective of the person seeking services. Because the expression of a mental health concern is a clearly observable event that occurs at a specific time and place, by making it the event being classified in the CSM it solves the reliability problems that have been plaguing the DSM’s far more abstract concept of “mental disorders.”
After this statement, the CSM would clearly define its main construct:
A mental health concern occurs when a person seeking mental health services expresses to a mental health service provider a concern about any of these topics: behavior, emotion, mood, addictions, meaning of life, death, dying, managing chronic pain, work, relationships, education, eating, cognition, sleep, and challenging life situation.
So, those are the basic ingredients of Chapter 1.
Chapter 2
Chapter 2 would begin by explaining that the CSM has two classes of expressed concerns–Concerns expressed about oneself, and concerns expressed about someone else. An example of the first class is, Sally is seeking mental health services and expresses a concern to a mental health service provider that she has been experiencing a great deal of anxiety when she enters social situations. An example of the second class is Bob, a father, upon seeking counseling for his son, expresses a concern about his child’s behavior.
Each of these two classes of concerns would have under each of its headings a list of specific concerns, along with an assigned code to be used for third-party payer record keeping.
So, let’s quickly return to the example of Sally expressing a concern that she has been experiencing a great deal of anxiety in social situations. This would be referred to, for classification purposes, as a “social situation anxiety” concern. Notice that “social situation anxiety” is just three words, thus it is short enough to be used in article titles, book titles and search engines.
Each of the actual expressed concerns would be just as useful as the DSM terms for providing those in the mental health profession a common language for communication about those utilizing their services.
In this chapter 2, it would be explained how the creators of the CSM identified the list of concerns included in the CSM. These concerns would be identified by a survey of a sample of mental health service providers. Those filling out the survey would first read the definition of a mental health concern. Then they would list, in order of frequency, the various concerns that they had been asked to address in their practice over the course of the previous year. At the back of the CSM would be a summary of the findings of this survey and its related statistics.
Moving on to Chapter 3
As noted, the previous chapter would be designed to provide the method for identifying and coding a set of brief mental health concern descriptors suitable for a number of practical purposes. Once this is achieved the CSM then provides a method to develop a lengthier psychological formulation approach that is designed to fill in additional details about the expressed concern. Thus, Chapter 3 of the CSM would be devoted to describing good practice guidelines for the use of a type of psychological formulation that is consistent with the CSM’s philosophy of not psychopathologizing individuals. This type of psychological formulation provides an approach that expands on the brief expressed concerns of individuals by developing a narrative of several paragraphs. It can be defined as the process involving a mental health service user and a mental health service provider co-constructing a hypothesis or ‘best guess’ about the origins of the mental health service user’s concerns in the context of his or her strengths, relationships, social circumstances, cultural heritage, life events, and the sense that he or she has made of them.
Defending the CSM
Okay, these are the basic chapters of the CSM. Now let’s quickly recall that supporters of the DSM believe that it is a classification system that is useful because it provides a common language for mental health professionals to communicate with one another. I hope from what I have already said, that you can plainly see that the CSM would provide an alternative plain, humane language that would be just as practical as the DSM. But let’s look a little more closely at this via an example.
When I was doing my practicum at the University of Minnesota’s Counseling Center, I worked there for a whole year and we had no need to use the “mental disorder” jargon of the DSM to communicate. When my advisor asked me to quickly tell him about my morning cases, I would reply with words like, “My 9:00 a.m. case is concerned about feeling depressed, my 10:00 case is concerned about his failing grades, my 11:00 case is concerned about how anxious she is in social situations. If my advisor wanted to know more about a case, we went into the psychological formulation type of information. Communication flowed easily. This is how the CSM would work in practice.
The idea that the DSM’s coding system is a practical approach for third party payers’ record keeping is an essential point made by DSM supporters. With the following description, I think you will readily see that the CSM approach is just as practical.
Third party payer systems have a form that must be filled out whenever someone seeks mental health services under their plan. This form has a little box that currently says, “Diagnosis.” In that box, mental health professionals are required to fill in the DSM code that corresponds to their so-called diagnosis of the person seeking services.
With the CSM proposal, all that we would be asking third-party payer institutions to do differently in order to add value for their customers, is to slightly change that little box. Instead of just saying “Diagnosis” as it currently says, that box would add two simple words, so it would end up saying “Diagnosis or Concern.” Then, when mental health professionals fill in the box, they would be given the choice to either write in the letters “DSM-5” and its code number that corresponds to its so-called diagnosis, or they would write the letters CSM and its code number that corresponds to the expressed concern.
With the creation of the CSM, not only will mental health providers have a new option to choose from, but so too will mental health consumers. They would be given the choice to go to psychopathologizing mental health service providers or those using the CSM approach.
So, for third party payers, that’s all the change that would be required in order to increase value for a significant number of mental health providers and service users. And a major goal that all third-party payers have is to increase value for their customers. The cost and effort for adding this new option for these payers would be minimum.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the creation of the CSM would improve value for consumers of mental health services. It would provide a practical approach that offers a new choice for those mental health service users and providers who are dissatisfied with the DSM. It does so in a manner that is more scientific and humanistic. Moreover, the creation of the CSM would break up the DSM monopoly.
Now, let’s return to the elephant in the room. Let’s bring it forth, front and center.
Yes, the DSM’s medical jargon has an enormous benefit to the pharmaceutical industry. However, with the creation of the CSM, the elephant would still get fed. Those who prefer the DSM to the CSM would be able to continue to use it. The pharmaceutical industry will still be able to promote the drugs with images of a patient looking miserable and family members distraught, all in grey, black and white, followed by images of the same patient taking a pill, now smiling in vibrant living color, with the sun shining, and family members gathered around, and bouquets of flowers brightening the whole world. There will be plenty of people who will still seek to have their concerns washed away with the ease of swallowing a pill.
Despite drug companies being able to still make a great deal of money even if the CSM was to become widely adopted, no doubt the industry as a whole would still seek to try with all its might to maintain the monopoly it currently enjoys. No doubt, big money can be very influential in putting a stop to competition. I get that. But to help us to think a little more clearly about this, let’s use a metaphor fitting to our country’s current enormous interest in the presidential primary campaigns.
You all know about the discussions going on about how a few billionaires has so much influence on who will get to win. There is much truth to this concern, but I ask you to keep in mind that every now and then, a dark horse comes along that does manage to win despite all of the big money that went to supporting the favorite of the super-rich.
In my view, the CSM has the potential to be that type of dark horse. I’m hoping that this is so because there exists enough psychologists out there who are willing to roll up their sleeves and get down to do the necessary work of joining their efforts with those of other allied professionals and mental health consumer advocacy groups because they believe this is in the best interest of those they seek to serve.
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Some people will enjoy reading this blog by beginning with the first post and then moving forward to the next more recent one; then to the next one; and so on. This permits readers to catch up on some ideas that were presented earlier and to move through all of the ideas in a systematic fashion to develop their emotional intelligence. To begin at the very first post you can click HERE.